Saturday, December 26, 2015

नाथूराम गोड़से ने गांधी हत्या के पक्ष में अपनी 150 दलीलें

नाथूराम गोड़से ने गांधी हत्या के पक्ष में अपनी 150 दलीलें न्यायलय के समक्ष प्रस्तुति की | “नाथूराम गोड़से के वक्तव्य के मुख्य अंश”
1. नाथूराम का विचार था कि गांधी जी की अहिंसा हिन्दुओं को कायर बना देगी |कानपुर में गणेश शंकर विद्यार्थी को मुसलमानों ने निर्दयता से मार दिया था महात्मा गांधी सभी हिन्दुओं से गणेश शंकर विद्यार्थी की तरह अहिंसा के मार्ग पर चलकर बलिदान करने की बात करते थे | नाथूराम गोड़से को भय था गांधी जी की ये अहिंसा वाली नीति हिन्दुओं को कमजोर बना देगी और वो अपना अधिकार कभी प्राप्त नहीं कर पायेंगे ।
2.1919 को अमृतसर के जलियाँवाला बाग़ गोलीकांड के बाद से पुरे देश में ब्रिटिश हुकुमत के खिलाफ आक्रोश उफ़ान पे था | भारतीय जनता इस नरसंहार के खलनायक जनरल डायर पर अभियोग चलाने की मंशा लेकर गांधी जी के पास गयी लेकिन गांधी जी ने भारतवासियों के इस आग्रह को समर्थन देने से साफ़ मना कर दिया।
3. महात्मा गांधी ने खिलाफ़त आन्दोलन का समर्थन करके भारतीय राजनीति में साम्प्रदायिकता का जहर घोल दिया | महात्मा गांधी खुद को मुसलमानों का हितैषी की तरह पेश करते थे वो केरल के मोपला मुसलमानों द्वारा वहाँ के 1500 हिन्दूओं को मारने और 2000 से अधिक हिन्दुओं को मुसलमान बनाये जाने की घटना का विरोध तक नहीं कर सके ।
4. कांग्रेस के त्रिपुरा अधिवेशन में नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस को बहुमत से काँग्रेस अध्यक्ष चुन लिया गया किन्तु गांधी जी ने अपने प्रिय सीतारमय्या का समर्थन कर रहे थे | गांधी जी ने सुभाष चन्द्र बोस से जोर जबरदस्ती करके इस्तीफ़ा देने के लिए मजबूर कर दिया ।
5. 23 मार्च 1931 को भगत सिंह,सुखदेव और राजगुरु को फांसी दे दी गयी | पूरा देश इन वीर बालकों की फांसी को टालने के लिए महात्मा गांधी से प्रार्थना कर रहा था लेकिन गांधी जी ने भगत सिंह की हिंसा को अनुचित ठहराते हुए देशवासियों की इस उचित माँग को अस्वीकार कर दिया।
6. गांधी जी कश्मीर के हिन्दू राजा हरि सिंह से कहा कि कश्मीर मुस्लिम बहुल क्षेत्र है अत: वहां का शासक कोई मुसलमान होना चाहिए | अतएव राजा हरिसिंह को शासन छोड़ कर काशी जाकर प्रायश्चित करने | जबकि हैदराबाद के निज़ाम के शासन का गांधी जी ने समर्थन किया था जबकि हैदराबाद हिन्दू बहुल क्षेत्र था| गांधी जी की नीतियाँ धर्म के साथ, बदलती रहती थी | उनकी मृत्यु के पश्चात सरदार पटेल ने सशक्त बलों के सहयोग से हैदराबाद को भारत में मिलाने का कार्य किया | गांधी जी के रहते ऐसा करना संभव नहीं होता ।
7. पाकिस्तान में हो रहे भीषण रक्तपात से किसी तरह से अपनी जान बचाकर भारत आने वाले विस्थापित हिन्दुओं ने दिल्ली की खाली मस्जिदों में जब अस्थाई शरण ली | मुसलमानों ने मस्जिद में रहने वाले हिन्दुओं का विरोध किया जिसके आगे गांधी नतमस्तक हो गये और गांधी ने उन विस्थापित हिन्दुओं को जिनमें वृद्ध, स्त्रियाँ व बालक अधिक थे मस्जिदों से खदेड़ बाहर ठिठुरते शीत में रात बिताने पर मजबूर किया गया।
8. महात्मा गांधी ने दिल्ली स्थित मंदिर में अपनी प्रार्थना सभा के दौरान नमाज पढ़ी जिसका मंदिर के पुजारी से लेकर तमाम हिन्दुओं ने विरोध किया लेकिन गांधी जी ने इस विरोध को दरकिनार कर दिया | लेकिन महात्मा गांधी एक बार भी किसी मस्जिद में जाकर गीता का पाठ नहीं कर सके ।
9. लाहौर कांग्रेस में वल्लभभाई पटेल का बहुमत से विजय प्राप्त हुयी किन्तु गान्धी अपनी जिद के कारण यह पद जवाहरलाल नेहरु को दिया गया | गांधी जी अपनी मांग को मनवाने के लिए अनशन-धरना-रूठना किसी से बात न करने जैसी युक्तियों को अपनाकर अपना काम निकलवाने में माहिर थे | इसके लिए वो नीति-अनीति का लेशमात्र विचार भी नहीं करते थे ।
10. 14 जून 1947 को दिल्ली में आयोजित अखिल भारतीय कांग्रेस समिति की बैठक में भारत विभाजन का प्रस्ताव अस्वीकृत होने वाला था, लेकिन गांधी जी ने वहाँ पहुँच कर प्रस्ताव का समर्थन करवाया। यह भी तब जबकि गांधी जी ने स्वयं ही यह कहा था कि देश का विभाजन उनकी लाश पर होगा। न सिर्फ देश का विभाजन हुआ बल्कि लाखों निर्दोष लोगों का कत्लेआम भी हुआ लेकिन गांधी जी ने कुछ नहीं किया ।
11. धर्म-निरपेक्षता के नाम पर मुस्लिम तुष्टीकरण की नीति के जन्मदाता महात्मा गाँधी ही थे | जब मुसलमानों ने हिंदी को राष्ट्रभाषा बनाये जाने का विरोध किया तो महात्मा गांधी ने सहर्ष ही इसे स्वीकार कर लिया और हिंदी की जगह हिन्दुस्तानी (हिंदी + उर्दू की खिचड़ी) को बढ़ावा देने लगे | बादशाह राम और बेगम सीता जैसे शब्दों का चलन शुरू हुआ ।
12. कुछ एक मुसलमान द्वारा वंदेमातरम् गाने का विरोध करने पर महात्मा गांधी झुक गये और इस पावन गीत को भारत का राष्ट्र गान नहीं बनने दिया ।
13. गांधी जी ने अनेक अवसरों पर शिवाजी, महाराणा प्रताप व गुरू गोबिन्द सिंह को पथभ्रष्ट देशभक्त कहा। वही दूसरी ओर गांधी जी मोहम्मद अली जिन्ना को क़ायदे-आजम कहकर पुकारते थे ।
14. कांग्रेस ने 1931 में स्वतंत्र भारत के राष्ट्र ध्वज बनाने के लिए एक समिति का गठन किया था इस समिति ने सर्वसम्मति से चरखा अंकित भगवा वस्त्र को भारत का राष्ट्र ध्वज के डिजाइन को मान्यता दी किन्तु गांधी जी की जिद के कारण उसे तिरंगा कर दिया गया।
15. जब सरदार वल्लभ भाई पटेल के नेतृत्व में सोमनाथ मन्दिर का सरकारी व्यय पर पुनर्निर्माण का प्रस्ताव पारित किया गया तब गांधी जी जो कि मन्त्रीमण्डल के सदस्य भी नहीं थे ने सोमनाथ मन्दिर पर सरकारी व्यय के प्रस्ताव को निरस्त करवाया और 13 जनवरी 1948 को आमरण अनशन के माध्यम से सरकार पर दिल्ली की मस्जिदों का सरकारी खर्चे से पुनर्निर्माण कराने के लिए दबाव डाला।
16. भारत को स्वतंत्रता के बाद पाकिस्तान को एक समझौते के तहत 75 करोड़ रूपये देने थे भारत ने 20 करोड़ रूपये दे भी दिए थे लेकिन इसी बीच 22 अक्टूबर 1947 को पाकिस्तान ने कश्मीर पर आक्रमण कर दिया | केन्द्रीय मन्त्रिमण्डल ने आक्रमण से क्षुब्ध होकर 55 करोड़ की राशि न देने का निर्णय लिया | जिसका महात्मा गांधी ने विरोध किया और आमरण अनशन शुरू कर दिया जिसके परिणामस्वरूप 55 करोड़ की राशि भारत ने पाकिस्तान दे दी ।
महात्मा गांधी भारत के नहीं अपितु पाकिस्तान के राष्ट्रपिता थे जो हर कदम पर पाकिस्तान के पक्ष में खड़े रहे, फिर चाहे पाकिस्तान की मांग जायज हो या नाजायज | गांधी जी ने कदाचित इसकी परवाह नहीं की ।
उपरोक्त घटनाओं को देशविरोधी मानते हुए नाथूराम गोड़से ने महात्मा गांधी की हत्या को न्यायोचित ठहराने का प्रयास किया | नाथूराम ने न्यायालय में स्वीकार किया कि माहात्मा गांधी बहुत बड़े देशभक्त थे उन्होंने निस्वार्थ भाव से देश सेवा की | मैं उनका बहुत आदर करता हूँ लेकिन किसी भी देशभक्त को देश के टुकड़े करने के ,एक समप्रदाय के साथ पक्षपात करने की अनुमति नहीं दे सकता हूँ | गांधी जी की हत्या के सिवा मेरे पास कोई दूसरा उपाय नहीं था ।

Friday, December 25, 2015

We Must Speak Up For Kashmiri Pandits, But Not The Way Most People Do!

By Saif Ahmad Khan:
One of the greatest tragedies about the debate revolving around the fate of Kashmiri Pandits is that the story of their pain and suffering has been communalized beyond imagination. Instead of objectively analyzing the causes and reasons behind the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits following the outbreak of insurgency in the Valley, secessionists and nationalists, both have tried to tell only that part of the conflict which has suited their political interests. It is high time that the truth which has been tightly concealed by these political players is brought to light.
kashmiri pandits
The first and foremost thing which we need to realize is that the Kashmiri Pandits were indeed driven out of their homes in a very unjust manner. According to government statistics (Reproduced by Zeenews.com on 16th May, 2012) there are no less than 58,697 Kashmiri migrants in the country. It is understandable that many of them happen to be Kashmiri Pandits who began to leave the Valley in large numbers starting 1989. The Hindu reported on March 24th, 2010 that 24,202 Kashmiri Pandit families moved out of the Valley due to tensions triggered by the insurgency. The penultimate question is what led to the exodus of Pandits? The secessionists pin the entire blame on Governor Jagmohan and exonerate Islamist extremists from any role whatsoever in being responsible for the ethnic cleansing. The nationalists argue that it wasn’t Governor Jagmohan but rather Kashmiri Muslim terrorists who made living in the Valley equivalent to hell for Kashmiri Pandits principally because of their Hindu identity and support for the Indian State. The truth of the matter is that the blame has to be shared between Kashmiri Muslim militants and Governor Jagmohan. Those secessionists and Kashmiri Muslim-sympathizers who say that militants were not hostile towards Pandits are being nothing but intellectually dishonest.
Since 1991, homes of 32,000 Kashmiri Pandits have been burned in the Valley as pointed out by Rahul Pandita (20th July, 2013, OPEN). There is no question of absolving the militants of the barbarism which they carried out by terrorizing Kashmiri Pandits. The threat which the Kashmiri Pandits faced from the militants was real and not some propaganda being carried out by RAW or IB. We must also realize that the manner in which Governor Jagmohan handled the entire situation was dismal and it only aggravated the crisis. Some narrations state that the exodus had already begun by the time he took charge but when a large threat looms over a certain section of people, the government’s job is to ensure their safety by strengthening security measures. Their confidence needs to be rebuilt and the government should exhort them to act with valour and confidence in the moment of crisis. Instead of doing this, Governor Jagmohan created a panic like situation in the Valley and facilitated the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits by providing them with transport vehicles to move out of the Valley. This was the monumental error on the part of Governor Jagmohan. He may have had no intentions of fuelling the exodus but his mismanagement of the entire conflict will never be forgotten or forgiven.
Another lie which is frequently told in the name of Kashmiri Pandits is that they have been the sole sufferers of the insurgency. Those who say this are basically communalists who love to rip the society apart on the basis of religion. All communities living within the Valley have suffered due to militants and terrorism. 36 Kashmiri Sikhs were killed in a brutal manner on 20th March, 2000 in Anantnang district of Jammu & Kashmir. The Indian Government puts the number of civilians who have died due to the conflict in Kashmir at 20,000 (Reported by Reuters.com on 21st November, 2008 in an article titled “India revises Kashmir death toll to 47,000”). The Government of Jammu and Kashmir has revealed that 219 Kashmiri Pandits were killed by militants between the years 1989 to 2004. It further stated that no killing of Kashmiri Pandits was recorded after 2004 (“219 Kashmir Pandits killed by militants since 1989,” The Hindu, 24th March, 2010). Statistics show that far more Kashmiri Muslims have died due to the conflict than Kashmiri Pandits as the total death figure of civilians is at 20,000. This punctures the communalist’s claims of the Kashmiri Pandits being the sole sufferers in the Valley.
Those who love to communalize this issue also try to portray that only Kashmiri Pandits exited the Valley and following their removal, Kashmiri Muslims lived with great joy. Statistics show that by 2010, there were 13,917 non Kashmiri Pandit families who migrated out of Kashmir because of the violence, out of the total 38,119 families registered with the Revenue and Relief Ministry. Some people raise the rhetorical cry of Kashmiri Pandits being relegated to refugees in their own country. While their anger is justified considering the fact that Kashmiri Pandits have still not returned to the Valley nearly 25 years after their exodus began, their selective narration of suffering is indeed very dangerous. There are various other states where large scale displacement has occurred frequently and people have lived in refugee camps for a long time. The Amnesty International stated in 2012 that at least 21,000 persons were living in transit relief camps even a decade after the 2002 Gujarat riots (“Gujarat Riot Victims Still Await Justice,” The Hindu, March 2nd, 2012). Following the Assam riots in 2012, lakhs of people were forced to live in relief camps. After the riots, some of the Bodos refused to allow Bengali-speaking Muslim migrants to come and live in their villages. Some of the Bodo leaders were firm upon their decision to first see the citizenship papers of the refugees. The refugees on the other hand claimed that they had lost all their belongings and documents in the arson caused due to the riots. They opined that this was a conspiracy by some Bodo groups to rob them of their land and homes. English magazine Frontline did a cover story on Assam riots following the mayhem in 2012. In that report, it documented that several such exoduses and mass displacement of people had taken place in Assam during the past two decades. The point is simple; several groups have suffered and made to live as refugees in India due to the negligence of the State. By calling Kashmiri Pandits the lone refugees, political opportunists are playing with fire.
It is true that the Government of Jammu and Kashmir has made the rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandit families a part of state policy but it has failed to effectively bring back the Pandits to their deserted homes. By and large, Kashmiri political heavyweights have forsaken the fight for Kashmiri Pandits. While there are massive agitations in Kashmir whenever Kashmiri Muslim youth are murdered illegitimately by the Indian army, there have been little or rather no agitations held in solidarity with the cause of Kashmiri Pandits. Secessionist leaders like Yasin Malik and Syed Ali Shah Geelani have only given token statements demanding the return of Kashmiri Pandits to the Valley. Kashmiri Pandits avail of a facility which no other internally displaced group of people has in India. They are entitled to reservations under Kashmiri Migrant quota. Unfortunately, this quota has also been communalized. Right wing groups have protested in the past against Kashmiri Muslims getting admissions in educational institutions under the Kashmiri Migrant quota. Nevertheless, Kashmiri Pandits are scattered in different regions of India and are among the wealthiest refugees or internally displaced people.
Time and again, some subversive forces have utilized Kashmiri Pandits as strategic assets. While they claim to sympathize with them, they are not interested in rehabilitating them as it would lead to the death of their politics. Also, if Kashmiri Pandits are resettled in the Valley, the clamour for a plebiscite to determine the fate of Kashmir would grow. A plebiscite cannot take place in Kashmir until and unless the original demographic ratio is not arrived at. Political forces have taken contrasting stands on the issue of Kashmiri Pandits and their position is in alignment to their political interests. Lastly, the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits has also led to rise of the idea of Panun Kashmir. Panun Kashmir as an organization was formed in 1990 by some Kashmiri Pandits. Their solution to the Kashmir problem is a communal one as they are asking for creation of a separate homeland for Kashmiri Hindus in the Valley. This idea is bound to fail and trigger greater commotion because it is in absolute proportion with the original demand for Pakistan. The creation of Pakistan did not lead to safeguarding of minority rights in India or Pakistan, then how will the creation of Panun Kashmir lead to safeguarding of Kashmiri Pandits who are a minority in the state? Partition cannot be a solution because total population exchange is not a possibility. Some will always be left behind and be treated as slaves.

A Kashmiri Pandit Shares How Her Family Became ‘Migrants In Their Own State’

A Kashmiri Pandit Shares How Her Family Became ‘Migrants In Their Own State’

By Amrita Hangloo:
The state of Jammu and Kashmir (India) has three main provinces – Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh. While Jammu has a predominantly Hindu population and Dogri as the most spoken language, Kashmir has a mostly Muslim population where Kashmiri is spoken; while Ladakh has a Buddhist population that speaks Ladakhi. All these 3 regions differ from each other culturally and have different weather conditions. J&K, as reports tell us, is the only state in India with a majority Muslim population.
A Kashmiri Hindu or Pandit girl walks inside the Muthi migrant camp on the outskirts of Jammu April 29, 2008. They left their ancestral homes in droves 19 years ago when a bloody rebellion broke out against New Delhi's rule in Kashmir. Now, encouraged by a thaw in relations between India and Pakistan, authorities in the disputed Himalayan region are making plans to help thousands of Kashmiri Hindus, or Pandits, return home. REUTERS/Amit Gupta  (INDIAN-ADMINISTERED KASHMIR) - RTR200O0
For representation only. Source: REUTERS/Amit Gupta
Nowadays, when everyone from the likes of famous writers to the common man is giving their take on various issues; issues which they might or might not even be a part of or have suffered on behalf of, I thought maybe it’s time I narrate my side of the story.
Born in a joint family in the beautiful valley of Kashmir, the beginning of my childhood was bliss – a big three-storey house, awesome European summers, snow laden lanes in winter, and apple and walnut orchards all around. With no fans and no air-conditioners, having only read about cockroaches, snakes, and lizards but never having seen them, it was the sort of ideal place one can only dream of!
Coming back from school one day in April 1990, my cousin and I followed a procession of people shouting slogans like “Kashmir humara hain, hum kya chahte azadi (Kashmir is ours and we want freedom),” the meaning of which we were too young to understand at that time. To us it was an adventure to see such a big gathering, so we followed it till we reached home.
Little did I know these things were going to change our lives forever…
That evening we saw a group of men approaching our house with rifles/guns and we were told to switch off the lights and not to make any noise. That night onwards we did not turn the house lights on and used a small candle instead. We were too afraid lest we get spotted.
Most of the Kashmiri pandits (Brahmin Hindus of Kashmir), as I saw it, were being seen as pro-India and were being targeted and killed.
A couple of days passed and I stopped going to school. Those small processions started getting bigger and bigger, fiercer and more frequent.
The elders from the neighborhood would gather in the evening and talk about leaving Kashmir for some time, till things got better perhaps.
My father who was returning from Delhi to Kashmir heard about pandits fleeing the valley in Jammu as the situation was getting out of control. You have to understand that there was only one TV channel, hardly any telephones and people were still writing letters and telegrams, so the flow of information was next to none.
Because of this lack of communication, my father had no idea about where exactly we were and so he got down at Ramban from the bus and tried to search through some 50,000 people. I can only imagine his feelings at that point of time when rapes and killings had become more of a norm in Kashmir.
He finally got home and was relieved to see us alright. But next week something happened that forced us to fear for our lives and flee the valley like many other Kashmir pandit families from other parts of Kashmir. An elderly man and his son living in close vicinity were killed. Their bodies were left hanging from a tree. The spot on their forehead, where Hindus normally put a tika (dot), was burnt with cigarette marks clearly visible, and their eyes had been carved out.
Some of our Muslim well wishers told my father that it was not safe anymore and we should leave the valley.
I remember my mother calling me and asking me to pack some of my frocks/dresses saying that we were to leave tomorrow. I was so excited that I was going to ride a truck! I had no idea what was coming our way. We packed some clothes and took a stove with us as we thought we would be back after 2-3 months when things had settled down. We were convinced that this was just a temporary phase. Along with all our belongings, big house, apple and walnut trees, we left behind our 2 cows whom I loved very much.
Like everyone else, we moved to Jammu. While many of the Kashmiri pandit population were given tents, we couldn’t get a spot so we rented a room in a village. May in Jammu gets really hot going up to 40-46 degree celsius. Most of us were used to a 30-degree summer. All the elderly people and kids who had probably never traveled outside Kashmir were the worst hit by this weather. I saw people around me getting affected by sun strokes, there were many cases of people getting bitten by snakes and scorpions, and many of them died because of these.
It’s very hard for me to explain this huge change that we all went through. From those big 2-3 storey houses and European summers, suddenly we were in a tent with 40-45 degree temperature outside! And in winters, people had to queue for the free blankets. Thanks to the fact that we are a small population and do not constitute a vote bank – we were barely visited by any politician on humanitarian grounds!
Those months changed to years and the tents were replaced by small rooms and common toilets. Basically small colonies of Kashmiri pandits. Now we had to accommodate all family members in a room along with the kids and elders. We were called refugees and our status changed from Kashmiri pandits to migrants.
All through these years, we have struggled to keep our culture and language. It’s been more than 25 years since that time and I see many people from my community suffering from stress related diseases like depression, diabetes etc. But we continue to wait for that temporary phase to end to return to our home – Kashmir!
In these years, I have come across people who have helped us and others who made our life more miserable, but I still believe in India and its good-willed people and I will always remain a Kashmiri at heart and an Indian in my soul.

Wednesday, December 23, 2015

Holy Mother’, Sri Sarada Devi,

‘Holy Mother’, Sri Sarada Devi,

Endearingly known as ‘Holy Mother’, Sri Sarada Devi, the spiritual consort of Sri Ramakrishna, was born on 22 December 1853 in a poor Brahmin family in Jayrambati, a village adjoining Kamarpukur in West Bengal. Her father, Ramachandra Mukhopadhyay, was a pious and kind-hearted person, andAs a child Sarada was devoted to God, and spent most of her time helping her mother in various household chores like caring for younger children, looking after cattle and carrying food to her father and others engaged in work in the field. She had no formal schooling, but managed to learn the Bengali alphabet. When she was about six years old, she was married to Sri Ramakrishna, according to the custom prevalent in India in those days. However, after the event, she continued to live with her parents, while Sri Ramakrishna lived a God-intoxicated life at Dakshineshwar. her mother, Shyama Sundari Devi, was a loving and hard-working woman.At the age of eighteen she walked all the way to Dakshineshwar to meet her husband. Sri Ramakrishna, who had immersed himself in the intense practice of several spiritual disciplines for more than twelve years, had reached the highest state of realization in which he saw God in all beings. He received Sarada Devi with great affection, and allowed her to stay with him. He taught her how to lead a spiritual life while discharging her household duties. They led absolutely pure lives, and Sarada Devi served Sri Ramakrishna as his devoted wife and disciple, while remaining a virgin nun and following the spiritual path.Sri Ramakrishna looked upon Sarada Devi as a special manifestation of Divine Mother of the universe. In 1872, on the night of the Phala-harini-Kali-puja, he ritualistically worshipped Sarada Devi as the Divine Mother, thereby awakening universal Motherhood latent in her. When disciples began to gather around Sri Ramakrishna, Sarada Devi learned to look upon them as her own children. The room in which she stayed at Dakshineshwar was too small to live in and had hardly any amenities; and on many days she did not get the opportunity of meeting Sri Ramakrishna. But she bore all difficulties silently and lived in contentment and peace, serving the increasing number of devotees who came to see Sri Ramakrishna.After Sri Ramakrishna’s passing away in 1886, Sarada Devi spent some months in pilgrimage, and then went to Kamarpukur where she lived in great privation. Coming to know of this, the disciples of Sri Ramakrishna brought her to Kolkata. This marked a turning point in her life. She now began to accept spiritual seekers as her disciples, and became the open portal to immortality for hundreds of people. Her great universal mother-heart, endowed with boundless love and compassion, embraced all people without any distinction, including many who had lived sinful lives.
When the Western women disciples of Swami Vivekananda came to Kolkata, the Holy Mother accepted them with open arms as her daughters, ignoring the restrictions of the orthodox society of those days. Although she had grown up in a conservative rural society without any access to modern education, she held progressive views, and whole-heartedly supported Swami Vivekananda in his plans for rejuvenation of India and the uplift of the masses and women. She was closely associated with the school for girls started by Sister Nivedita. She spent her life partly in Kolkata and partly in her native village Jayrambati. During the early years of her stay in Kolkata, her needs were looked after by Swami Yogananda, a disciple of Sri Ramakrishna. In later years her needs were looked after by another disciple of Sri Ramakrishna, Swami Saradananda, who built a new house for her in Kolkata.Although she was highly venerated for her spiritual status, and literally worshipped as the Divine Mother, she continued to live like a simple village mother, washing clothes, sweeping the floor, bringing water from the pond, dressing vegetables, cooking and serving food. At Jayrambati she lived with her brothers and their families. They gave her endless troubles but, established as she was in the awareness of God and in Divine Motherhood, she always remained calm and self-possessed, showering love and blessings on all who came into contact with her. As Sister Nivedita stated, “Her life was one long stillness of prayer.”In the history of humanity there has never been another woman who looked upon herself as the Mother of all beings, including animals and birds, and spent her whole life in serving them as her children, undergoing unending sacrifice and self-denial. About her role in the mission of Sri Ramakrishna on earth, she stated: “My son, you know the Master had a maternal attitude (matri-bhava) towards every one. He has left me behind to manifest that Divine Motherhood in the world.”
On account of her immaculate purity, extraordinary forbearance, selfless service, unconditional love, wisdom and spiritual illumination, Swami Vivekananda regarded Sri Sarada Devi as the ideal for women in the modern age. He believed that with the advent of Holy Mother, the spiritual awakening of women in modern times had begun.Under the strain of constant physical work and self-denial and repeated attacks of malaria, her health deteriorated in the closing years of her life, and she left the mortal world on 21 July 1920.
Ashok Koul's photo.
posted by: vipul koul ,edited by:ashok koul

...
Ashok Koul's photo.

Monday, December 21, 2015

Birth of National Conference in Kashmir

Birth of National Conference in Kashmir

Birth of National Conference in Kashmir
Dr Satish Ganjoo*
he Valley of Kashmir had been ceded by the Sikhs to the British in lieu of indemnity imposed on the Lahore Durbar. The British made it over to Maharaja Gulab Singh on March 16, 1846, for a sum of seventy-five lakhs of rupees. In this way, the territory and people of Kashmir were virtually sold to Gulab Singh by the British. Thus began the Dogra rule in Kashmir. The creation of the Jammu and Kashmir State in 1846, through the Treaty of Amritsar, was a master-stroke of British diplomacy in Asia. No doubt, Kashmir never became a part of the British India domain, but the British authorities allowed only minimum operational freedom to the Dogra rulers. In fact, the British created a buffer State of Jammu and Kashmir under the title of a “Sovereign State”’ to keep Russia at a distance from British India and to counter the Czarist Russian “menance” in Central Asia.

In the middle of the 19th century, the growing menace of Russian expansion in Central Asia posed a direct threat to the security of British domain in India. So there was need to create a buffer between the two rivals in Asia. Kashmir, like Afghanistan, served the purpose. Installation of a British Commissioner in Ladakh in 1847-48 was a prelude to the forceful perpetuation of British imperialist policy in Kashmir. The British managed their Kashmir policy with extraordinary caution and subtle diplomacy.

History of Kashmir in the second half of the 19th century should be studied in the backdrop of Anglo-Russian rivalry in Central Asia. Any move on the central Asian chessboard had its direct impact on Kashmir. The policies of the British in Kashmir were designed to fit in the scheme of their “frontier policy” in Central Asia. In 1885, the first British Resident was appointed in Kashmir. With this started the active British intervention in Jammu and Kashmir State. Creation of Gilgit Agency, subjugation of Chitral, establishment of a Council and finally partial deposition of Maharaja Partap Singh in 1889 was the completion of British imperialist strange-hold over Kashmir. This was managed by the British through their successive residents in Kashmir. State Peoples’ Movement in Kashmir against the autocratic rule of the Dogras started in the first quarter of 20th century.

The people of Kashmir, who were humiliated by the sale of their motherland in 1846, were inspired by the national liberation movements in Russia, India and Afghanistan in the beginning of the 20th century. Like other oppressed people of the region, the people of Kashmir believed that their liberation will sound the death-knell of imperialism, colonialism and autocratic rule. With this purpose, some prominent Muslims of the Valley including Sad-ud-Din Shawl, Maqbool Pandit, Noor Shah Naqshbandi,Hasan Shah Naqshbandi, Maulvi Ahmad Ullah Hamadani, Sayyid Husain Jajali and others, sent a memorandum to the Viceroy of India in 1926,demanding the:
1. Proprietory rights of land;
2. Representation of Muslims in Government Services;
3. Education facilities;
4. Prohibition of beggar (forced labour);
5. Release of mosques and other religious places from State control.

The viceroy forwarded the memorandum to Hari Singh, the Dogra ruler of Kashmir. Disturbed by this activities, Hari Singh decided to punish all those who submitted the memorandum. Sad-ud-Din Shawl and Noor Shah were expelled from the State; and, the Jagir of Hasan Shah was withdrawn. Other signatories of the memorandum apologized in writing. The Muslims of Kashmir were perturbed by the actions of Hari Singh and revolted against his orders. The Maharaja of Kashmir was compelled to withdraw the externment orders of Sad-ud-Din Shawl. This was the first conscious effort by the people of Kashmir against the autocratic rule.

Shaikh Mohammed Abdullah, Mohammad Rajab, Qazi Saif-ud-Din Qari and Ghulam Ahmad Mukhtar returned from Aligarh on April 12, 1930, after completing their studies. It was during their stay at Aligarh that they developed political consciousness through their contacts with the leaders of Indian National Movement. This emboldened them to contribute articles in the newspapers of Lahore regarding the atrocities of an autocratic rule in Kashmir.

No serious political party existed in Kashmir up to this time. It was in 1923 that Hargopal Kaul founded the Sanatan Dharm Sabha, with its headquarters at Rughnath Mandir, Srinagar. But the sole objective of this Sabha was to help Kashmiri Pandits in rehabilitating themselves after they received education at institutions outside the State. In 1924, many educated Kashmiri Pandits joined the Sabha, and they succeeded in developing contacts between the Kashmiri Pandits living in the State and those who had settled in other parts of India. Subsequently the Sabha started its move towards politics.

The Muslim students, who had returned from Aligarh formed a small group with the objective of looking to the interests of the Muslim of Kashmir. Mohammad Rajab and Maulvi Bashir Ahmad opened a secret “Reading Room” at Syed Ali Akbar, Srinagar. The “Reading Room” worked as springboard for political discussion and anti-government propaganda. A Committee was constituted to collect funds for the perpetuation of this Reading Room. After sometime, a room was taken in the Zainakadal locality and the “Reading Room” was shifted there, but only to be re-shifted to the residence of Mufti Jalal-ud-Din at Fatehkadal. Election of the office-bearers of the “Reading Room” was held later on and Mohammad Rajab and Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah were elected as President and Secretary respectively. The following members were also nominated:
1. Mufti Jalal-ud-Din;
2. Hakim Ali;
3. Master Ghulam Rasul;
4. Ahmad Shah Fazli;
5. Hakim Ghulam Murtaza.

In this way “Reading Room Party” came into existence. Regular meetings were now being organized in the Reading Room. The Party also managed to obtain statistics regarding Muslims in government service, and published them in the newspapers of Lahore - Inqilab, Mazloom Kashmir, etc. Later on these figures were also submitted to the Glancy Commission.

Ghulam Ahmad Ashai was forcibly retired from State service for his “anti-government” activities. He joined the “Reading Room Party” and renamed it as “Muslim Youngmens’ Association”. After sometime the elections of the Association were held in which Ghulam Ahmad Ashai was elected as President and Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah as Secretary. The other members were:

1. Ali Mohammad Shah;
2. Hakim Ali;
3. Hakim Mohammad Safdar;
4. Mohammad Rajab;
5. Hakim Ghulam Murtaza;
6. Pirzada Ghulam Rasool;
7. Ahmad Shah Fazli;
8. Pirzada Ghulam Ahmad;
9. Ghulam Mohammad Khan;
10. Ghulam Hasan Khan; and,
11. Ahsan Ullah.

Moulvi Mohammad Yusuf Shah and Moulvi Ahmadullah Hamadani also joined the Association subsequently. It was Moulvi Mohammad Yusuf Shah who selected the Shaikh as leader of the Association and introduced him to the public. Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah then started delivering his public speeches and demanded the government service for the educated Muslim youth, freedom of press and platform, release of religious places to Muslims and lifting of ban on religious ceremonies. After serving in Islamia High School for some time, Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah was appointed as teacher in Government High School, Srinagar.

In Jammu, a Muslim Party – Youngmens’ Association was already working as a substitute under the guidance of Qazi Gauhar Rahman, Allah Rakha Sagar, Ghulam Haidar Ghori, Moulvi Ghulam Haidar Shah and others. On April 19, 1931, when the Idd was being celebrated, the local police at Jammu prohibited Imam Hai to deliver a speech at Idgah after the prayers. This injured the sentiments of Muslims in Kashmir and they protested against it. After a few days, it was reported that one police head-constable, Lobha Ram, desecrated the Holy Quran in Police Lines, Jammu. A deputation from Jammu came to Srinagar to protest against the alleged desecration. The Muslims of
Kashmir were irritated any they threatened to revolt against the Dogra ruler. To defuse the situation, the transfer orders of Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah from Srinagar were issued. However, these orders were put in abeyance when the Shaikh approached the then Director of Education, Mr. Wakefield. But the orders were again issued by the State government and Shaikh Abdullah resigned from the service. This brought him into active politics and started a new era in his life.

Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah announced his resignation from the government service in a public speech at Khanqah-e Mualla, Srinagar. Moulana Zafar Ali Khan, Editor ‘Zamindar’ (Lahore), was also present in this meeting. Seeing the nerve and guts of the Shaikh, he called him Sher-i-Kashmir (Lion of Kashmir) - the title which afterwards became his identity.

In 1928, a Kashmir Pandit girls, Durga Devi, was murdered and her body was recovered from a drain at Karan Nagar locality in Srinagar. Some cases of cow slaughter were also reported. This naturally perturbed the Pandit community of Kashmir and they compared all these developments with the brutal aristocracies perpetrated against them in Afghan period. These incidents built up communal tension and a resultant stir in the Kashmir Pandit community. On the other hand, the Holy Quran Movement, inspired by some religious-minded people, gained momentum in Jammu. Anti-government posters were issued in the city and smuggled into the Valley of Kashmir by Abdul Majid Qureshi. One person namely Mohammad Ismail of Fatehkadal, was detained for circulating these posters. This was the first political arrest in Kashmir.

By the time the ‘Majlis-i-Ahrar’ and ‘Anjuman-i-Ahamadiyya’ of Punjab also developed interest in the Muslim unrest of Jammu and Kashmir State. The State government, sensing the vast involvement of and inspiration for the Muslim cause from outside the State, proposed to meet a Muslim deputation and resolve the grievances through a dialogue. A public meeting was held on June 25, 1931, at Khanqah-e Mualla in which Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah, Moulvi Abdur Rahim, Abdul Qadir Khan and Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah delivered their speeches and took an oath to serve the Muslim cause in Kashmir. Syed Waliullah Shah Zain’ul Abidin and Choudhry Bashir Ahmad, who were deputed to Kashmir by the Jamait-i-Ahmadiyya Hind to guide and supervise the Muslim activities, also attended these public meetings. It was in one of these meetings that the following members of delegation were nominated to meet the State authorities and discuss their problems:

1. Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah;
2. Mirwaiz Ahmadullah Hamadani;
3. Ghulam Ahmad Ashai;
4. Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah;
5. Said-ud-Din Shawl;
6. Munshi Shahabuddin;
7. Agha Sayyid Hussain;
8. Choudhry Ghulam Abbas of Jammu;
9. Mistri Mohammad Yaqub of Jammu;
10.Sardar Gauhar Rehman of Jammu; and
11.Shaikh Abdul Majid of Jammu.

Abdul Qadir Khan, who had delivered a highly anti-government speech at Khanqah-e Mualla, was arrested and prosecuted by the State authorities. A special court to try this first political case was established in Central Jail, Srinagar. A meeting was held on july 10, 1931, at Jamia Masjid, Srinagar, to protest again against the desecration of the Holy Quran by Lobha Ram. Ghulam Nabi Gilkar, Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah and Moulvi Abdul Rahim were among the prominent speakers. This stimulated the provocation among the Muslims. The first hearing of the case against Abdul Qadir Khan was held at Central Jail on July13, 1931. Muslims collected outside the jail and demonstrated in favour of Khan. Police arrested the five demonstrators, which made the mob furious and they tried to set the jail building on fire. Army was called in, and unwittingly, it opened fire to disperse the demonstrators resulting in the death of following seventeen persons and causing injuries to many others:

1. Ghulam Mohammad Halwai (Jamia Masjid);
2. Abdul Khaliq Shora (Wazapora);
3. Ghulam Nabi Kalwal (Pandan);
4. Ghulam Mohammad Sofi (Daribal);
5. Ghulam Qadir Bhat (Bahaudin Sahib);
6. Mohammad Ramzan (Khanyar);
7. Mohammad Usman (Kalashpora);
8. Ghulam Mohammad Naqash (Kadikadal);
9. Ghulam Rasool Darzi (Amdakadal);
10.Amirjoo (Gojwara);
11.Abdul Ahad (Gaokadal);
12.Ghulam Ahmad Qalbaf (Fatehkadal);
13.Amirjoo Makai (Nawakadal);
14.Shabanjoo Makai (Nawakadal);
15.Abdul Khaliq (Watalkadal);
16.Mohammad Akbar; and,
17.Abdul Kabir.

Muslims were infuriated at this massacre. Chaos and confusion prevailed on all sides. The killed and the injured were taken in a procession to Jamia Masjid. The worst communal incidents took place in Srinagar when the Hindu shops at S.R. Gunj, Zainakadal, Bohrikadal, Vicharnag and other place were plundered, looted and set ablaze. Hindus living in other parts of the city were also victimized. In fact, the Hindus of Kashmir have always suffered because of anti-government sentiments of the majority community. There was virtually no law and order; and, the city was handed over to the army. Even today, 13th July is officially marked as “MARTRYS’ DAY” throughout the Kashmir Valley and there is public holiday.

Sardar Gauhar Rehman, Mistri Mohd Yoqub, Choudhry Ghulam Abbas, Moulvi Abdul Rahim and Ghulam Nabi Gilkar were detained on the night intervening July 13-14, 1931. Shaikh Abdullah was also arrested on July 14, 1931, at Jamia Masjid by Brig Sutherland and taken to Badamibagh. Jamia Masjid was converted into a political platform and Mufti Jalal-ud Din became the first ‘dictator’ (volunteer) to offer his arrest. The courtyard of the Khanqa-i Naqshband Sahib was choosen as the “martyrs’ graveyard”. Anti-government hand-written posters were issued by the Muslims and distributed in different parts of the Valley. Ghulam Mohiuddin Kara, Pir Abdul Ahad Shah and Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq were also detained.

By this time the leader of Indian National Movement developed contacts with the Muslim leader of Kashmir. Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad came to Srinagar on Augest 1, 1931, and met the detained leaders. It was after 21 days that all political detenus were released. But Abdul Qadir was sentenced to five years rigorous imprisonment. However, he was released only after one and half year. An agreement was concluded between the Muslim representatives and Prime minister of J&K State, Hari Krishan Kaul. But Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah and his colleagues were again arrested on September 21, 1931, which perturbed the Muslims of Kashmir and resulted in anti-government demonstrations. A “War Council” was started to chalk out an action plan against the Dogra administration. Besides arranging a protest meeting at Jamia Masjid, anti-government demonstrations and processions were taken out. The army opened fire at different places resulting in the death of the following persons:

1. Nasir-ud-Din (Chinkral Mohalla);
2. Rasuljoo (Drugjan); and,
3. Asad Gilkar(Narparistan).

Curfew was imposed in the city of Srinagar on September 23, 1931. Fire was opened in Anantnag to disperse the demonstrators. After much criticism from within and outside for the attitude of administration, the government appointed Dalal Commission to enquire into the firing incidents.

The Muslims armed with axes, sticks, ‘narchus’, etc. assembled at Khanyar to take the Maharaja to task for his indifferent attitude. Sensing the increasing dimension of the revolt, the Maharaja took administration in his own hands and dispatched his army chief, Southerland, to take the crowd into confidence and initiate negotiations with the Muslim representatives at Khanyar. Southerland managed the meeting of Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah, Sad-ud-din Shawl and Moulvi Mohammad Abdullah Vakil with Maharaja to wash off the grievances. With the help of this meeting, the Muslims agreed to postpone their proposed demonstration. But the situation remained explosive and the Dogra ruler imposed martial-law in the Valley. Martial-law courts were established at Central Jail, Police Station S.R. Gunj, Police Station Kothibagh and Exhibition Ground. Summary trails were conducted in these courts.

The Muslims of Kashmir, who were settled in differents parts Punjab, became interested in the developments taking place in the Valley. A Kashmir Committee was constituted at Shimla on July14, 1931, at the residence of Zulfikar Ali Khan. Mirza Bashir-ud-Din and Abdul Rahim Dard were appointed as President and Secretary of the Committee respectively. This Committee sent the Jathas to Kashmir to fight authoritarian rule. “Kashmir Day” was celebrated in India and Burma on August14,1931. Majlis-i-Ahrar of Punjab also Started to sent the ‘Jathas’ (groups) to Kashmir to fight the authoritarian rule. “Kashmir Day” in other parts of India and Burma on August 14, 1931. ‘Majlis-i Ahrar’ of Punjab also send the ‘Jathas’ to Kashmir under the supervision of Syed Attaullah Shah Bukhari. These ‘Jathas’ came to Kashmir via Suchetgarh, where they constructed a mosque which is known as “Masjid-i-Ahrar”. Dr. Shaikh Mohammad Iqbal also visited Kashmir to access the situation here. He was appointed as President of Kashmir Committee.

State administration efforts tried to take Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah into confidence. Some intruders- Abdul Aziz Fazli, Mama Pandit and Ama Pandit; arranged a secret meeting of Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah and Hari Krishen Kaul, then Prime Minister of the State, at the latter’s residence. Hari Krihen managed a telegram from Mirwaiz to the Viceroy of India saying that the conditions in Kashmir were peaceful and confirmed the loyalty of Muslims to the Dogra ruler. According to some unconfirmed sources, a yearly scholarship of Rs. 600 was sanctioned to Mirwaiz in returns for his unconditional allegiance to the Maharaja. However, the supporters of Mirwaiz refute the indictment as baseless and unfounded.

Kashmiri Pandits suffered a concussion in the 1931 incidents. Kashyap Bandhu, a Kashmiri Pandit Arya Samajist, was called from Lahore to help and guide the Pandits in their survival. He was working as sub-editor of “Milap” there. “Sanatan Dharma Sabha” was converted into “Sanatan Dharam Yovak Sabha” and its headquarter was shifted to Shitalnath, Srinagar. Prem Nath Bazaz was appointed as its first President. Kashyap Bandhu started the daily “Martand” in Kashmir, which became the official organ of the Sabha.

On November 12,1931, the Maharaja announced the appointment of Glancy Commission to look into the grievances of different communities of the State. Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah and his associates were released from jail on the provisional condition that he would isolate himself from politics. Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah asked Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah to distance himself from politics for sometime so that the situation can be brought under control. This irritated the Shaikh and he sensed a conspiracy between Mirwaiz and Maharaja. He specifically refused to obey the dictates of Mirwaiz and began to deliver anti-government speeches as usual. Irritated by the activities of Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah, Mirwaiz publically declared some “clean shaved” persons as the agents of ‘Mirzais’, who were misleading the Muslims of Kashmir for their personal interests. Mirwaiz passed these remarks in his sermon at Gadayar Masjid and the innuendo was directed at the Shaikh. It was after these remarks of Mirwaiz that Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah started to grow the beard. However, Mirwaiz-Shaikh rivalry was seriously felt. Maulvi Ahmadullah Hamadani, another Mirwaiz, announced his unconditional support to Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah. The “pirzadas” then came into open strife with Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah.

It was on October 19, 1931, that the Muslims of Kashmir submitted through Sad-ud Din Shawl a memorandum to the Maharaja against the police atrocities. The Maharaja appointed Middleton Commission to investigate into the firing incidents in the Valley. As majority of Muslims in Kashmir were illiterate, Middleton Commission employed the service of a student from Sri Partap College, Mirza Afzal Beg, as English translator. About 400 Muslims appeared before the Commission. However the Commission submitted a pro-government report and washed away the claims of Muslim leadership.

The political atmosphere in Kashmir now was being gradually dominated by Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah. He now embarked upon his decisive policy of eliminating his political rivals from the front line. At his instance Maulvi Ahmadullah Hamadani moved a “no-confidence” resolution in a public meeting at Khanqah-i Mualla on December 26, 1931, against Munshi Shahab-ud Din and Sad-ud Din Shawl. It was passed by the majority of people. The expelled leaders were alleged to be working against the interests of the Muslims.

The Maharaja or Kashmir was also trying to streamline his relations with the Muslims to avoid any political uprising in the State. He was also aware of the fact that the Muslims of India had since associated themselves with Indian National Congress. He was conscious of the fact that the close contacts between the leader of Indian National Movement and those of Kashmir leadership would ultimately create tremendous difficulties for him. As a gesture of goodwill, the Pather Masjid was handed over to Muslims on November 1, 1931. But these efforts of Maharaja bore no fruit. Allah Rakha Sagar of Jammu gave 24-hour notice to the State government for acceptance of Muslims demands. This was followed by disturbances in Jammu which compelled the Maharaja to seek the help of the British. On November 4, 1931, Gurkha Army arrived in the State to maintain law and order.

Besides the nomination of Prem Nath Bazaz as representative of Kashmiri Pandits, the following members were appointed to the Glancy Commission:

1. Ghulam Ahmad Ashai (Srinagar);
2. Choudhry Ghulam Abbas Khan (Jammu);
3. Loknath Sharma (Jammu);
The purpose was to represent both, Hindu and Muslim, communities in the Commission and made it secular in character.

For delivering the provocative speeches, Mufti Zia-ud Din Poonchi was expelled from the State in January 1931. Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah was also prohibited to deliver any public speech. But defying the prohibitory orders, he addressed a public meeting at Khanqah-I Mualla on January 23, 1932, resulting in his arrest and six months imprisonment. Choudhury Ghulam Abbas, Abdul Hamid Khan and Mohammad Yaqub Ali sent a protest note to Maharaja on February 11, 1932, against the detention of the Shaikh in Central Jail, Srinagar. Demonstrations and protest meetings were held in different parts of the Valley. Moulana Mohammad Syed Masoodi joined the political movement at this juncture. He delivered the anti-government speeches in the protest meetings at Khanqah-I Mualla, resulting in his arrest and meeting with the Shaikh in Central Jail. It was in detention that Shaikh Mohammed Abdullah and Moulana Mohammad Syed decided to from a regular regional political party - Muslim Conference.

The Glancy Commission submitted its report to the State government on March 22, 1932. The Hindus felt that its recommendations were not favorable to the interests of community and ousted Prem Nath Bazaz from the presidentship of “Sanatan Dharam Yovak Sabha’. Jialal Kilam was the new President. In April, 1932, Kashmiri Pandits launched a vigorous agitation called “Bread Movement”, asking the Maharaja not to implement the recommendations of Galancy Commission. Hundreds of Hindus courted arrests in favour of their demands. Jialal Kilam, Kashyap Bandhu and other prominent Hindus supervised and guided the agitation. But, as usual, communal clashes took place in September 1932, killing the motive and spirit of agitation.

Muslim Conference was formed in 1932. A convention of this party was held on October 14-16, 1932, at Pather Masjid under the chairmanship of Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah. The arrangements for this convention were made by Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah, Moulvi Hamadani and Moulvi Abdullah. The leaders of the newly-formed party demanded the implementation of the recommendations of Glancy Commission.

On December 17, 1932, Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah left for Lahore to attend the working committee meeting of Muslim Conference. On his returns, January 20, 1933, Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah declared him a ‘Mirzai’, in his religious sermons at Khanqah-i Naqashband Sahib. This gave birth to regular clashes between the followers of Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah and Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah, now know as ‘Bakra’ (sheep) and ‘Sher’ (lion). To avoid the frequent clashes between their followers, a “Peace Agreement” was signed by these two leaders in presence of Wazir Mohammad Khan, Superintendent of Police. After these developments, Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah dissociated himself from Muslim Conference and also from the Shaikh. Moulvi Hamandani, who was involved in a long professional rivalry with Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah, wooed the support of Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah. The authorities of State government also sensed the professional rivalry between the two moulvis (preachers) and directed Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah to offer prayers in Jamia Masjid while Moulvi Hamadani was instructed to offer the same at Iddgah on the festival of Idd - April 16,1933. Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah perplexed by the government directives, went to Iddgah by way of protest to offer the prayers. To counter the move of Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah , Moulvi Hamadani entered Jamia Masjid. There were bloody clashes between the followers of two moulvies, who were known as “Cheka” and “Kota”. Dogra regime took a serious note of these clashes and charged the two moulvies of disturbing law and order in the Valley. Moulvi Hamadani furnished a bond for Rs. 1000, but Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah refused to furnish the same and decided to resist the pressures. The result was that the Mirwaiz was detained and taken to Udhampur Jail on April 27,1933. Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah was returning from Jammu on the same day and met the Mirwaiz at Kud. On his arrived in the Valley, he gave the details of his Kud meeting with the Mirwaiz. The rancorous remarks of Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah were resented by the followers of the Mirwaiz. The Muslims of Srinagar altogether got divided into rival groups - Sher and Bakra.

Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah was released from detention on May 3, 1933, on the security-bond furnished by Sayyid Attaullah Shah Bukhari. On his release, Mirwaiz criticized Moulvi Hamadani and his close association with the Shaikh. It was followed by Sher-Bakra clashes. Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah was arrested along with some of his close associates and then released on August 7, 1933. The activities of Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah, Moulvi Hamadani and Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah were restricted to Jamia Masjid, Khanqah-i Mulla and Pather Misjid for three months. Mirwaiz Yousuf Shah and his associates - Abdul Rahim Banday, Munish Assadullah Vakil, Khazir Mohammad Zaroo, Munish Assadullah Hajji, Mama Barbazu and Abdul Salam Dalal, formed a party of their own and named it “Azad Muslim Conference”. To counter the activities of the Mirwaiz, Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah and his allies formed the “Shoda Conference” under the leadership of Ghulam Nabi Gilkar, Moulvi Abdullah Vakil, Mian Ahmad Yar and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad. “Azad Muslim Conference” established its platform in Jamia Masjid and “Shoda Conference” decorated its stage at Khanqah-i Naqashband Sahib. Both these parties were attacking and counter-attacking each other.

On Idd day, January 14, 1934, State authorities asked Moulvi Hamadani not to deliver the sermon (waiz) at Ali Masjid. The Muslims took it otherwise as an insult and protested. Moulana Masoodi, Sadr-ud Din Mujahid, Mohammad Maqbool Bihaqi, M.A.Sabir, Ghulam Mohiuddin Indrabi and Ghulam Mustafa Masoodi were arrested on January 28, 1934; and, expelled from the State for one year. Moulvi Hamadani was also arrested and externed to Lahore. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and Mir Ghulam Hasan Gilani were detained in Reasi Jail. Mohiuddin Zohra, Mohiuddin Kara and Mohammad Iqbal Capri were fined Rs. 1200 each. After the arrest of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, “Azad National Conference” accused him of corruption and misappropriation of the public finances.

State Peoples’ Movement started again and the “dictators” (volunteers) were offering arrests from Khanqah-I Mualla. Mujahid Manzil was under construction those days. A meeting of All India Muslim Conference was held at Sialkot on February 10, 1934, in which decided to send “dictators” to Kashmir. But Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah turned down this offer. However, Choudhury Ghulam Abbas came to Srinagar and delivered a speech at Khanqah-I Mualla. He was detained by the State authorities. Moulana Masoodi and Sadr-ud Din Mujahid entered Kashmir in the grab of ‘gujjars’ (shepherds). They remained under-ground for sometime and then delivered a number of speeches at khanqah-I Mulla. Both of them were arrested in the last quarter of 1934. At this time, Sardar Gauhar Rahman arrived in Srinagar and opened a branch of ‘All India Muslim Conference’ here.

All politics prisoners were released and formation of State Assembly announced on the recommendation of Glancy Commission. Elections were held on September 4, 1934, and Muslims Conference got five seats. A convention of the party was held at Sopore on November 11-13, 1934, and State government was asked to implement the Glancy Commission recommendations in full. After the convention was over, Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah left for India and toured different parts of the country. He was introduced to Jawaharlal Nehru. Mutual close friendship and confidence developed between the two leaders. After his returns to Srinagar, Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah appointed some non-Muslims as the members of Muslim Conference. Prem Nath Bazaz was asked to publish the newspaper - “Hamdard”. Sardar Budh Singh, Lala Girdharilal Anand, D.P.Dhar, Kashinath Karihalloo, Shamlal Saraf and J.N.Zutshi joined hands with the Shaikh and played a predominant role in the State Peoples’ Movement. A convention of Muslim Conference was held at Mujahid Manzil on October 25-27, 1935, in which a number of non-Muslims also participated. A river procession was taken out in which Choudhury Ghulam Abbas, Ghulam Nabi Gilkar, Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah and others participated. Choudhry Ghulam Abbas was elected the President of the party. Some Muslim, Hindu and Sikh younth also formed the “Youth League” in 1936. But neither Muslims Conference nor Youth League could prevent the communal clashes taking place in the Valley in June 1937, which were inspired by the British imperialism and fundamentalist forces to weaken the State authority. Whatever may be the reason, Kashmiri Pandits suffered either under one pretext or the other. As a community, Muslims have always targeted the Kashmiri Hindus in one way or the other. No doubt, the members of both communities enjoyed good mutual relations at individual level. But “Muslim Mob Mentality” has been always injurious to the Kashmiri Pandits.

Mohiuddin Kara founded the “Kashmir Mazdoor Sabha” in November 1937. “Mazdoor-Day” was observed in Kashmir on November 14, 1937; with which started the labour movement and functioning of labour parties in the State. The 6th annual convention of Muslim Conference was held at Jammu from March 25-27, 1938. In this convention, a resolution was moved to change the name of party from “Muslim Conference” to “National Conference”, so that non-Muslims could actively participate in its programmes and also in the State Peoples’ Movement. It was also proposed to amend the constitution of the party and adopt a new constitute by the name of “Naya Kashmir”. But the resolution was opposed by Choudhry Ghulam Abbas, Abdul Majid Qureshi and Shaikh Ahmaddin Banahali, who later resigned from the party.

A historical convention of Muslims Conference was held at Pather Masjid, Srinagar, from June 10-11. 1939, under the presidentship of Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq. In this special convention, Moulana Syed Masoodi again adopted the resolution for the change in the name of the party; which was unanimously passed and the party was renamed as “National Conference”. Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah was elected its President. Jialal Kilam and Kashyap Bandhu also joined the new party. National Conference became a ‘lightening conductor’ for the Dogra rule and later on a ‘spring board’ for power struggle in the State of Jammu and Kashmir.
*Dr Satish Ganjoo was born on May 1, 1956, to Shree Omkarnath Ganjoo and Smt Sheela Ganjoo in the Saffron Valley of Kashmir. He obtained the coveted academic degrees of M.Phil (1983) and Ph.D (1987) in Modern History and International Relations from the University of Kashmir. He held the distinguished faculty position in Govt. Degree College, Baramulla (Kashmir), Centre for Advance Study in Education and Technology, Srinagar (Kmr), CASET Post Graduate Evening College, Srinagar (Kmr) and the Centre of Central. Asian Studies, University of Kashmir. Now he is working as Head and Senior Faculty Member at the Post Graduate Dept. of History, Ramgarhia P G College (GNDU) Phagwra (Pb), with the additional charge of the Dept. of Computer Sciences and Information Technology.

Dr. Ganjoo developed the excellent potential for research and published a number of books on diverse topics of history, politics and international relations. Ignoring the pain and agony of migration from his motherland because of political turmoil, he exclusively worked on Islamic Studies with all devotion and dedication. His widely acknowledged books include :
1. Afghanistan’s Struggle for Resurgence
2. Soviet Afghan Relations
3. Kashmir Politics
4. Muslim Freedom Fighters of India (in 3 vols)
5. Economics System in Islam
6. Glimpses of Islamic World
7. Prophet Muhammad
8. Wailing Shadows in Kashmir (Anmol Publications, New Delhi)
9. Dictionary of History anmolpublications@vsnl.com

Besides Dr. Ganjoo is involved in different interdisciplinary research projects, participated in several seminars and wrote about sixteen research papers. His name was recommended for the Soviet Land Nehru Award (1991) and received recognition from prestigious NGOs --- Rashtriya Gaurav Award (2004), Best Citizen of India Award (2005), Vijay Shree Award (2005). He is the member of the Arts and Social Sciences Faculty, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar; and, the life member of the Kashmir Education, Culture and Science Society.
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Comments
Thanks for this very detailed historical writeup.
Added By Deepak Ganju
Respected Ganju Sahab, Your constant herculean efforts have enabled you to bring out the March Issue of "SHEHJAR". I will once again reiterate that it needs sincere, honest and time consuming efforts to bring out a magazine.My salute to your efforts. Prayers for your continued energy.
Added By V K WATTAL
The Birth of "NATIONAL CONFERENCE" by Prof. Satish ganjoo is thought provoking and lot of efforts must have gone to write it. Please convey my thanks. It brought back the memory of my late Father Sh. N L WATTAL , Journalist, who was a witness to all these changes from close quarters. Once again my congratulations.
Added By VIJAY WATTAL
Respected Ganju Sahieb regards Thanks for the detailed historic write up. Please oblige me by informing me about the Bread Movement and Karra's labour movement.
Added By zahir Din
Really an informative source,many things i knew from this article,thanks to all those who made this publish.Finally kashmiri pandits were always suffers,1990 exodus was not new.
Added By surendra miya
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Saturday, December 19, 2015

In search of stories lost

Twenty-six years after he was forced to leave Kashmir, the author reflects on events that have shaped his life as an exiled writer

An abandoned house in Haal, Pulwama district. Photo: Muhabit-ul-Haq
An abandoned house in Haal, Pulwama district. Photo: Muhabit-ul-Haq
One autumn day in 1989, making my way home from school in Srinagar, Kashmir, as I reached Nawa Kadal, the bridge over the river Jhelum, I heard slogans blaring from a loudspeaker: “Set the time in your watches to Pakistan Standard Time.” I looked at my watch.
Moments later, I got caught in a crossfire between militants and security forces. Smoke from teargas canisters engulfed the area. A bullet hit a bystander. Some youths hurled stones at the policemen. “Grab a stone and throw it at the police van. What are you waiting for?” someone said to me. I picked up a brick off the road. Then I heard gunshots and ran for cover towards a narrow lane. “Shoot the boy in the red jacket,” someone shouted. In the midst of the frenzy, I saw a policeman aiming his gun at me. I never wore that red jacket outside ever again.
A few months later, in March 1990, we woke up to the news of the death of Ashfaq Majeed Wani, a commander of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front. He was idolized by Muslim youths, who called him a warrior, a rebel and a freedom fighter. “Ashfaq has attained martyrdom; our hero has been martyred!” people shouted in the streets and from the rooftops of their houses. Our neighbourhood exploded with slogans; stories of Wani’s last encounter with the security forces were afloat. “Death to the enemy,” women mourned. Wani was 23 when the paramilitary forces killed him in downtown Srinagar. Later in the afternoon, thousands of people attended his funeral procession and raised pro-freedom slogans. I went to our rooftop and watched the procession moving towards the martyrs’ graveyard in Eidgah. Militants fired in the air, as a mark of respect to their slain commander.
At the onset of spring, in 1990, my parents packed some clothes in a bag, took my 10-year-old sister and me to our neighbours, and requested them to take us with them in a truck to Jammu. We reached Jammu in the evening and took refuge in a dingy dormitory in a large decrepit building, part cattle shed and part barn. The owner had cleaned the dormitory and opened it up for the new arrivals.
Twenty families occupied that small space. For weeks, I had no contact with my parents and grandparents. In the dormitory, there wasn’t enough to eat. One night, my sister woke up and asked me for water. She was thirsty. The tap at the far end of the dormitory ran dry, and the vessels in the makeshift kitchen were empty. All I had in my possession was a bag full of clothes for the both of us.
Months later, when my parents and grandparents crossed the two-and-a-half-kilometre-long Jawahar tunnel in Banihal, the tunnel separating Srinagar from Jammu, the entire landscape changed. Four years after the exodus, my grandfather lost his memory. He lost the sense of relationships, of time, of the nature of things. He dangled from one hallucination to another. The journey through the Jawahar tunnel—the tunnel of forgetfulness—had shattered him.
Jammu stood for India, a safe place to be, while his homeland, Kashmir, had turned into a mini-Pakistan. Like my grandparents, many other elderly people, who had never till then stepped out of Kashmir, had crossed an imaginary border that separated two lands. A new map was drawn on the hearts and minds of the fleeing Pandits. Just the act of crossing over to Jammu, a province in the same state, gave them respite from fear and persecution.
In the summer of 1996, I secretly visited Kashmir. I had grown a beard to pass off as a Muslim. A stranger in my own land, I was in disguise. Going to my old house in Khankah-i-Sokhta, Nawa Kadal, was impossible. “Downtown Srinagar is a war zone,” people said. “Even we don’t go there.” Srinagar mostly remained under curfew. One evening, when curfew was lifted for people to stock up on groceries and essentials, I went to Lal Chowk, in the heart of Srinagar city. Army bunkers fortified the place. A stony silence prevailed. Gun nozzles were pointed at the pedestrians and people peeping through the windows of their houses. After a few days, I returned to New Delhi, knowing fully well that it was all over for us in Kashmir.
As the years went by, I visited Kashmir again and, like any tourist, stayed in a hotel.
In August 2015, I travelled from New Delhi to Jammu to conduct a story-writing workshop for a bunch of Muslim, Pandit, Dogra and Ladakhi boys and girls from Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. My brief was to teach them how to look for stories much before writing them. It was a daunting assignment because I was conscious of the conflicting political ideologies and nationalistic affiliations of the three different ethnic and religious communities these teenagers belonged to. But I realized that these youngsters were evolved in terms of their outlook towards one another and their immediate environment.
A displaced Pandit family in Garhi, near Udhampur. Photo: Vijay Dhar
A displaced Pandit family in Garhi, near Udhampur. Photo: Vijay Dhar
They were children of conflict. One 20-something boy was from Sopore, which, even today, is a garrison town fortified by several army and paramilitary units. His father was pro-separatist and expected his son to be one too. The boy pointed to a scar near his eye and said: “This was my identity. Not any more!” During the uprising in 2010 in Kashmir in which about a hundred protesting teenagers were killed during clashes between the security forces and the protesters, this boy had been singled out and shot at by a security person. Luckily, the bullet had brushed his temple, leaving just an abrasion. His father had been detained and tortured several times by the security forces. “It’s all behind me now,” the boy told me. I listened stoically to his account, which seemed straight out of a Boris Pasternak novel.
I wondered what tips I could offer this boy when he was narrating one hell of a story—that of violence, of resistance, of revenge and of transformation. He said he wanted to become a writer and that his stories would seek to unite and not to divide. He said he had made peace with India and that the pro-separatist movement had become a sham in the hands of conniving and greedy leaders. “First we must be human and learn to accept one another, despite our differences. Then we must learn to comfort one another for the predicament we’ve endured individually and collectively,” he said. “All of us have suffered in different ways. To hell with India and Pakistan and their petty politics.” I had neither heard nor imagined a story like the one he narrated. I shared my own story of growing up in Kashmir. I had nothing else to offer them.
To work towards social reconciliation was one of the broader aims of the workshop. Would this be possible? I gave each of them an assignment to tell a story in 5 minutes. A shy boy from a remote village near Kargil recited a poem about his teacher, a Buddhist lama, who taught at a Gompa. In the poem, the teacher talks about the philosophy of life. A girl from Ladakh narrated a story about a girl who falls in love with a boy at a bus stop. Another girl from Kashmir narrated a story about her grandmother’s love for her husband. A boy from Srinagar’s Khankah-i-Sokhta read a poem in Urdu about a flood that ravages a city. He and his family had survived the floods which wreaked havoc in Kashmir in 2014. The boy cried while reading the poem. A Rajput girl from Gurah Salathian, a village near Jammu, narrated a story about a girl’s love of nature. A Pandit girl recounted her experience of growing up in exile. In the evening, we parted, promising to meet again the next year to share the drafts and to explore innate connections between the stories.

BRUTALITY OF ISIS COPY OF WHAT MUGHALS DID WITH SIKHS IN PUNJAB.

Sikh Sangat News

Torture of Sikh Women & kids by Mughals.
Torture of Sikh Women & kids by Mughals.

Brutality of ISIS is the copy of what Mughals did with Sikhs of Punjab [Warning: graphic images]

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Stockton, California: The history of Sikhism is closely associated with the history of Punjab and the socio-political situation in medieval India. Sikhs distinction was further enhanced by the establishment of the Khalsa, by Guru Gobind Singh in 1699. Sikhism was created by Guru Nanak, a religious leader and a social reformer during the fifteenth century in the Punjab region. The religious practice was formalized by Guru Gobind Singh on 13 April 1699. The latter baptized five persons from different social backgrounds to form Khalsa.
The Mughal Empire was founded by Babur, a Central Asian ruler who was descended from the Turko-Mongol conqueror Timur on his father’s side and from Chagatai, the second son of the Mongol ruler Genghis Khan, on his mother’s side. Ousted from his ancestral domains in Central Asia, Babur turned to India to satisfy his ambitions. He established himself in Kabul and then pushed steadily southward into India from Afghanistan through the Khyber Pass. Babur’s forces occupied much of northern India after his victory at Panipat in 1526. Generally Sikhism has had amicable relations with other religions. However, during the Mughal rule of India (1556–1707), the emerging religion had strained relation with the ruling Mughals. Prominent Sikh Gurus were martyred by Mughals for opposing some Mughal emperors’ persecution of Sikhs and Hindus. Subsequently, Sikhism militarized to oppose Mughal hegemony and ended their rule in India.

ISIS and Mughals

What ISIS is doing is the exact copy of what Mughals did against Sikh Gurus and followers of Sikhism from 15th century to 18th century. Mughal Empire wanted whole India to be converted to Islam religion. Hindus started converting to Muslim because of fear. Watching hundreds of thousands conversion and the fear for their own life, Hindu religious leaders came and asked for help from Sikh Gurus and his followers. Sikh Gurus stepped up to protect freedom of religion (which was unheard on any corner of the world at that time) and Mughals started the same brutal war crime against Sikhs is exactly what Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is doing today in 21st century.

Guru Arjan Dev Ji

Guru Arjan Devi ji was put on hot plate by mughals and they poured hot sand on top of Sikh Guru.
Guru Arjan Devi ji was put on hot plate by mughals and they poured hot sand on top of Sikh Guru.
The Mughal emperor Jahangir wrote in his autobiography Tuzk-e-Jahangiri that too many people were becoming persuaded by Guru Arjan’s teachings and if he did not become a Muslim the Sikh Panth had to be extinguished. HE ordered the Guru’s execution A contemporary Jesuit account, written in early 17th century by Spanish Jesuit missionary into the Mughal court Father Jerome Xavier (1542–1605), who was in Lahore at the time, records that the Sikhs managed to get Jahangir to commute the death sentence to a heavy fine, for which a rich individual, possibly a Sikh, stood as guarantor. The Guru however refused to let a fine be paid for him and even refused when a longtime friend of his, Sufi Sai Mian Mir, tried interceding on his behalf. Jahangir tortured Guru Arjan in the hopes of extracting the money, but the Guru refused to give the fine and was executed.

Guru Tegh Bahadur Sahib Ji

Shaheedi of Guru Sahib
Guru Tegh Bahadur Sahib ji before Beheading by Mughals
The Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb ordered Hindu temples to be destroyed and that idol worship was to be stopped. He had a temple converted into a Mosque and slaughtered a cow inside it. He also had Hindus sacked from their government jobs and employed Muslims instead. Aurangzeb also ordered Gurdwaras to be destroyed, and he expelled many missionaries from the main cities. Despite some resistance after many years of persecution, people were being forced to take up Islam. Aurangzeb, being clever, decided if he could convert the revered Brahmin Pandits of Kashmir that millions of followers would then easily be converted. Threatened with conversion or death, the Pandits overcome by panic, came in a delegation to Chakk Nanaki, Pargana Kahlur and requested Guru Tegh Bahadur Ji’s help. Hearing the serious nature of the conversation, Guru Ji’s 9 year old son Gobind Rai Ji told his father what the problem was. The Guru told his son of the Pandits dilemma and said that it would take a holy man literally laying down his life to intercede. Gobind Rai responded “Who would be better than you to defend the poor Brahmins”. Guru Tegh Bahadur Ji decided to stand up for the right of freedom of worship and told the delegation to tell Aurangzeb that if he could convert Guru Tegh Bahadur they would gladly convert.
Four days later Guru Tegh Bahadur ji was arrested, along with some of his followers, Bhai Dayala, Bhai Mati Das and Bhai Sati Das by Nur Muhammad Khan.
After Mati Das, Dyal Das and Sati Das were tortured and executed on three consecutive days, Guru Tegh Bahadur was beheaded at Chandni Chowk in 1675. Guru Tegh Bahadur is popularly known as “Hind Di Chadar” i.e. “The Shield of India”, in reference to his popular image as sacrificing his life for the protection of religious freedom in India.

Bhai Sati Das, Bhai Mati Das & Bhai Dayala

Bhai Sati Das was wrapped up in cotton wool, set alight and was roasted alive. He remained calm and peaceful and kept uttering Waheguru, waheguru, waheguru (Sikh meditation). His martyrdom is remembered by the Sikhs in their daily prayers. This happened on 24 November 1675, on the same day as Bhai Mati Das was executed.
Sawed, Burned and Boiled Alive - Bhai Dayala, Bhai Mati Das and Bhai Sati Das.
Sawed, Burned and Boiled Alive – Bhai Dayala, Bhai Mati Das and Bhai Sati Das.
Mati Das while standing erect was tied between two posts. He was asked if he had any parting words, to which Mati Das answered, “I request only that my head be turned toward my Guru as I am executed.” Two executioners placed a double-handed saw on his head. Mati Das serenely uttered “Ek Onkar” and started reciting the Japji Sahib, the great morning prayer of the Sikhs. He was sawn in half from head to loins. It is said that even as the body was being sawn into two, the Japji continued to reverberate from each part until it was all over.
Qazi pronounced his religious order that Bhai Dayala must either accept Islam or be prepared to embrace death by being boiled in a Cauldron. Bhai Dayal was asked for a final time if he would leave his faith and embrace Islam. Bhai sahib defiantly and consistently answered, “No!” to the qazi’s repeated requests. This infuriated the qazi who pronunced his immediate torture and death. The executioners sat Bhai Sahib in the cauldron of water under which a large fire was lit. Slowly the water was let warm; then it was hot; soon it was too hot and then it was boiling. Bhai Dayala continued to his last breath to recite Sikh prayers.

bhaitarusinghjiBhai Taru Singh Ji

After a short period of imprisonment and torture, Bhai Taru Singh ji was brought by Mughals before Lahore Governor Zakariya Khan and given the choice of converting to Islam or being executed. Taru Singh calmly asked, “Why must I become a Mussalman (a Muslim person)? Do not the Mussalmans ever die?” Upon his refusal, and in a public display, Bhai Taru Singh’s scalp was cut away from his skull with a sharp knife to prevent his hair from ever growing back. Bahi Taru Singh ji was left to bleed to his death by Mughals.

Mass torture and persecution of Sikhs

Zakariya Khan was the Mughal governor of Lahore, now in Pakistan. He had taken part in the Mughal Empire’s operations against the Sikh leader Banda Singh Bahadur. After the capture of Banda Singh and his companions in December 1715, he escorted the prisoners to Delhi, rounding up Sikhs that he could find in villages along the route. As he reached the Mughal capital, the caravan comprised seven hundred bullock carts full of severed heads and over seven hundred captives. He ordered village officials to capture Sikhs and hand them over for execution. A graded scale of rewards was laid down – a blanket for cutting off a Sikh’s hair; ten rupees for information about the whereabouts of a Sikh; fifty rupees for a Sikh scalp. Plunder of Sikh homes was made lawful; giving shelter to Sikhs or withholding information about their movements was made a capital offense.
mughals_killing_Sikhs
From top left: Mughal army returning with Sikh heads on spike to claim reward. Top right: Sikhs getting butchered for refusing to convert to Islam. Bottom Left: Mughal ruler giving rewards for killing Sikhs. Bottom right: Non-Soldier Muslims (Mughals Sympathizer) killing Sikhs .
Zakariya Khan’s police, consisting of nearly 20,000 men especially recruited for this purpose, scoured the countryside and brought back hundreds of Sikhs in chains. Prominent Sikhs including the revered Bhai Mani Singh and Bhai Tariff Singh were, after the severest of torments, publicly beheaded at the Nakhas, the horse-market of Lahore, renamed by Sikhs “Shahidganj” in honour of the martyrs. Yet Zakariya Khan remained unsuccessful in his object of vanquishing the Sikhs. He died at Lahore on 1 July 1745 a dispirited man, bequeathing to his sons and successors chaos and confusion.

Torture on Sikh Women & Kids

01-Meer-Mannus-JailThe Sikh women held as prisoners in Mir Mannu’s Jail (1748-1753) who endured the pain of having their children murdered and made into garlands around their necks but did not sacrifice their faith. During 18th century Sikh women were arrested and endured torture in Mir Mannu’s Jail in Lahore, they chanted: “ਮਨੂੰ ਸਾਡੀ ਦਾਤਰੀ ਅਸੀਂ ਮਨੂੰ ਦੇ ਸੋਏ || ਜਿਉਂ ਜਿਉਂ ਮਨੂੰ ਵਢਦਾ ਅਸੀਂ ਦੂਣ ਸਵਾਏ ਹੋਏ || (We are the grass, and Mannu the sickle (grass-cutting blade); The more he cuts us, the more we grow.)”

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Posted by: "Dr. Jagan Kaul"