Of Shrines and Blackmail

	Of Shrines and Blackmail Hostage politics is not restricted to men or captive school children. Shrines have also become a part of the politics of hostages, especially in the Kashmir valley. Get into a Shrine, threaten to burn it, place your explosives or incendiaries all along the building- a charge near the dead saint's tomb or the sacred relic- encircle the building with mines and the militant starts feeling that he is in the driver's seat. The Hazratbal mosque. In a country where Akbar went barefoot to Salim Chisti to ask for the boon of a son, the importance of saints and Peers, and the respect they are held in, is obviously out of proportion. Indian faith makes no distinction between a live saint and a dead one. In fact, after the saint's death, the Shrine gets more importance and acts as a lightning conductor for religious fervour in the area around. The sick, the childless and the blind flock to it. Shrines become centres of mass faith. And if something happens to them, become epicentres of emotional earthquakes. If Shrines are taken over by terrorist groups, the upheaval and the fears they arouse among the masses can be better imagined than described. It is then that the State steps in. It cannot afford not to act. It cannot be seen immobile or paralyzed or even hostage to other hostages- men, relics, shrines. The troops will cordon the place off (the enemy radio will clamour that the troops have laid siege). The ingress and egress (awful sounding words) to and fro from the building would have to be controlled. Other restrictions follow. You don't want massive crowds collecting at the place. It could be dangerous for the crowds. Bullets could start flying after all. A process leading to some sort of curfew regulation gets initiated. The situation, bewilderingly, gets translated into a sort of siege. Guns are loaded. Targets get zeroed and each side stakes out its territory. Each side lays down its bottom line, marks out its 'yellow lines' and minimum thresholds. Bunkers get sand-bagged. Defences turn up around the shrine. Wireless sets get crackling. The men in uniform start calling Police Headquarters, BSF Headquarters, Corps Headquarters and even Delhi.The terrorists start calling Muzaffrabad, Islamabad and perhaps some fanatic fringe outfit in Afghanistan. We are in business, Pal. The party has just begun, government going absolutely hysterical.The Pakistanis even hinted that the whole crisis had been engineered by India to destabilise the newly formed government of Benazir Bhutto! On the other hand, there was pressure from right wing parties in India who thought that government was not being stringent enough with the militants. The Secretary General of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), Mr. Hammid-al-Gabid, a yes-man of Pakistan (on all things Indian), asked India to refrain from "desecrating the mosque and stop intimidation against those who frequent the mosque for prayers". But there was not one word against the militants who had occupied the shrine and whose purpose would have been served had the Indian forces gone into Hazratbal to flush out the militants and had the building and the relic got damaged in the process. THE MECCA INCIDENT It may be recalled that in November1979, at the start of the 15th century of the Muslim calendar, the Wahabi preacher, Otaiba, with 250 of his armed followers, entered the sacred Kaaba and gained control over the mosque. The stand-off lasted for two weeks. The followers of Otaiba wanted to install him as a Mehdi. French Paratroopers were called in and the whole incident ended in a blood-bath with over 200 rebels, pilgrims, hostages and security personnel dying in the gun fight. Not one of the radicals was tried and yet not one of them is alive. They were obviously executed later. Not a word was said by the OIC then, though hysterical mobs in Pakistan, for reasons best known to themselves, burnt the American embassy. The terrorists at Hazratbal. In Hazratbal, the militants had barred the entry of the keeper of the sacred relics, the Imam of the mosque. They literally held an Arms Exhibition in Hazratbal and later set fire to a part of the premises by setting off an explosion. The offices of the Auqaf and the guard barracks were gutted and two firemen, who went to douse the fire, were bashed up. Despite this, the forces kept their cool and even allowed 35 kgs of meat a day, along with rice, drinking water etc., to be taken to the militants. RESOLUTION OF HAZRATBAL As the Governor, Gen. (retd) K.V. Krishna Rao stated, after the crisis was over and the surrendered terrorists had been interrogated, the authorities had unearthed a Pakistani plan to cause damage to shrines in Kashmir with a view to foment large scale violence in the valley. In pursuance of this objective, the militants had started setting on fire historical Muslim shrines one after the other. The Governor added that "The attempt to cause damage to the holy relic (at Hazratbal) was a part of the same plan, but we were able to thwart it effectively by taking timely measures". Through great restraint, the Hazratbal crisis was resolved and eventually, through Army pressure, the militants surrendered. Two convicts were jailed and others were bailed out by various Courts. Not a single shot was fired by the security forces despite great provocation. What is even more praiseworthy is the fact that the people near the Shrine maintained peace and tranquillity throughout, and spurned attempts by the militants to rouse their sentiments. It must be noted that through September-October 1993 and especially while the confrontation lasted at Hazratbal, numerous attempts were made by Pakistan-trained Tanzeems to damage various Shrines. On September 21, a Mosque in the vicinity of the historical Maqdoom Shaheb Shrine was gutted in a fire caused by the militants. Four days later, an attempt was made at night to set ablaze the famous and historical Naqshband Sahib's shrine in downtown Srinagar. On September 27, the local Mosque at Kangan was saved by the efforts of the Fire Brigade when militants had set fire to three houses adjacent to it. On October 3, an attempt was made on the old Asara-e-Sharief mosque in downtown Srinagar. On October 23 at Sopore, an attempt was made to damage the Jamia Masjid when militants set alight a cluster of seven Muslim shops around the Jamia Masjid. On the same day at Anantnag, they attempted to break open the cash chest of a popular Muslim shrine, Reshimol Sahib but were foiled by the police guards. On November 3, an attempl was made to set on fire the famous Maqdoom Shaheb shrine. This too was foiled by the police guards. The irony of it is that all this is being done by militants, some of them mercenaries, who all the time have Islam on their lips, and who are always masquerading as 'Mujahids' or crusaders in an 'Islamic cause'. CHARAR-E-SHERIEF For Pakistan, Hazratbal was a letdown. If something had happened to the relic or the Shrine, the Valley would have burnt. Pakistan could have she crocodile tears and beaten its breast like a professional mourner in Geneva, in New York and in other conceivable international fora. The quiet arrangement by which the Hazratbal stand-off was terminated with no explosions or pyrotechnics, was certainly not to Pakistan's taste. The Charar-e-Sharief Shrine was definitely an attraction for the warped masterminds of Pakistani intelligence. It was a Shrine holy to both Muslims and Hindus. Sheikh Nooruddin, after all, was arguably the greatest mystic-saint of Kashmir. Chrar-e-Sherief. SHEIKH NURUDDIN Nothing could better exemplify the composite culture of Kashmir than the life of Sheikh Naruddin himself. TheSheikh was born as Nund Reshi or Sahazanand in 1377 AD. His ancestors came from Kishtwar and had migrated to the Valley. His father, Salar Sanz, a pious man, came under the spiritual influence of Sufi Saint. Yasman Reshi who arranged his marriage to Sadra Maji. For three days, the infant Nund is said to have refused to be breast-fed. The third day, the Yogini, Lal Ded (a very well known saint) entered the house and put the child's mouth to her own breast.While leaving, she is said to have called the infant her spiritual heir. While personifying the Hindu-Muslim culture of the Valley, Nund, later named Naruddin, 'the light of faith', fully believed in the immanence and transcendence of God, hoped for a society based on moral values and preached against indulgence. All his life he wore a coarse pheran. Within two days of his death in 1438 at Charar, nine lakh people are said to have gathered at the Shrine, including the King, Sultan Zainul Abdin. He preached against communal hatred and wrote: "We belong to the same parents. Then why this difference? Let Hindus and Muslims together worship God alone. We came to this world like partners. We should haveshared our joys and sorrows together." Hence Charar was a Shrine marked out by the ISI. It's destruction, the ISI thought, would not only cause an upheaval in the Valley but also effectively burn down a monument to the composite culture of the Valley. MILITANTS ENTER CHARAR In the bitter end of 1994-95, militants had started sneaking into Charar-e- Sharief on their way back from the higher reaches of Yusmarg. By the third week of January, a sizeable number of militants were reported in the town. There was talk of as many as two hundred militants in the area. A Pak mercenary called Mast Gul, trained in Afghanistan, was a part of the militant team. People sensed a stand-off and the villagers nearby started migrating, apprehending the heavy presence of militants in the area. By March, BSF personnel were being fired upon by the militants. On March 7, the Army and the BSF, who had had enough of it by now, threw a cordon round Charar so that the militants were denied re-inforcements. Some prominent features around the town were taken over by the security forces. People started leaving the town especially when they learnt that improvised explosive devices (IEDs) were being fabricated by the militants. The people of the area, as also local militants were enraged when members of the Harkat-ul-Ansar, the Pak/Afghan outfit, walked into the Shrine without taking off their footwear. In fact the locals were apprehensive regarding the fate of the shrine. According to the Statesman of February 8, 1995 the HuA reached an understanding with the locals that they would cease to take shelter in the Shrine once the weather conditions permitted them to re-occupy their secret camps in the high regions and the forest areas. Chrar-e-Sharief after the arson. By the end of March, even local militants could guess that the mercenary HuA, under instructions from their Pak mentors, were upto no good and started distancing themselves from these Pakistani mercenaries. The security forces were reported to have even offered a safe passage to Pakistan to the militants through the Suchetgarh border. But this was not accepted. Security forces took the necessary stringent steps, like cutting off water and electricity from the town. By the middle of March, interception of coded wireless messages exhanged between the militants and their mentors in Pakistan revealed to the security forces that they had planted IEDs at the main entrance of Charar-e-Sharief. In fact, they carried out two underground blasts to test the strength of their explosives. These blasts frightened the township population. A few hours later they cut off the piped water supply to the town triggering off a mass exodus of people from the township. Hardly a thousand persons stayed behind, out of the twenty five thousand population of the township. According to a Defence Ministry Press Release issued from Udhampur on April 4, those left in the town were either infirm or were staying back to guard their property. When the migrant families wanted to return, they were abused by the militants and not allowed to come back. On May 9, the mercenaries started their campaign of arson by torching some houses in Badamohalla and the adjacent Fateh Khan and Ziarat mohallas. While this was taking place, radio intercepts showed the masters from across the border telling Mast Gul and company "Changa kita; Ab maza ayega" (Well done; now we will see the fun). The blaze is reported to have destroyed eight hundred houses and two hundred shops. Two nights later, the fuze was blown in the confrontation with security forces, and according to news reports, by 2:30 in the morning, the Shrine itself was set afire along with the Khanquah (hospice) adjacent to the building. The Mausoleum of Sheikh Nooruddin, better known as Alam Dar-e-Kashmir which was built by Zain-ul-Abdin Badshah (1420-1470), who was among the pall bearers of the saint, was reduced to ashes. Along with the Shrine, hundreds of houses in the Gulshanabad area were also burnt. RECEPTlON TO MAST GUL The criminal Harkat-ul-Ansar had used gas cylinders as incendiary devices to devastate the Shrine and the town. The last communication from Mast Gul, the Harkat leader, to his masters across the border stated "mission khatam kar diya" (mission accomplished). This meant the Shrine was truly and properly gutted. And the answer, promptly received over the wirless, said "hum thwade istaqbal ke intezar mein hain" (we are waiting to welcome you back). And what a welcome it turned out to be from the moment he stepped on to POK and Pakistani soil! He was lionised and feted, much to the embarrassment of Pakistani officials. Now why should Mast Gul suddenly become a hero? Was it merely because he had escaped or was it because his actions had resulted in the destruction of the Charar Shrine? The answer is not far to seek. He was lionised for burning the Shrine. According to the Pakistani press, Mast Gul was in Islamabad on July 30. He addressed a public meeting in Liaqat Bagh, Rawalpindi on August 4, a meeting also attended by the Pakistani Jamaat-e-lslami chief, Qazi Hussain Ahmed. In his speech, the Qazi asked the Pakistan Government to declare a Jehad against India. He stated that the Foreign Office had criticised the receiptions given to Mast Gul. He attributed this to the fact that the Pakistani Foreign Office was infected by the "American virus". He blamed the Government which was trying to dissuade the people "from fighting a holy war". He also claimed that "public money is being used to fill the treasury of Asif Ali Zardari and not spent on Defence, arms and development". Mast Gul stated openly that "the youth of Azad Kashmir and Pakistan" had "joined hands with their Mujahideen brethren" to throw the occupation forces out of the Charar-e-Sharief after the arson Valley. All these clearly show the Pakistan and the Jamaat-e- Islami hand in this whole sordid drama. Two comments, as they appeared in the Pakistan press, would suffice to prove to the hilt how Charar was burnt. According to Jang of September 23, Sardar Abdul Qayum Khan, Prime Minister of Azad Kashmir, while addressing a meeting at Lahore on September 22, stated that "some Kashmiris are of the opinion that Mast Gul himself torched the Shrine and then escaped from the place." He added that the Kashmiris have also raised objections that sacrifices are being made by the people of Kashmir, but "Must Gul is hogging the publicity in Kashmir." The second statement came in an article by A.S. Yousufi in Dawn of October 10, 1995 datelined Peshwar, which derided the fact that the Jamaat-e-Islami is "consistently presenting Mast Gul before the people as a "Ghazi" who risked his life and fought several battles with the Indian Army. Mast Gul has been brandishing arms, and he was taken almost to every corner of the NWFP, so that it burns and the people hold the troops responsible for the damage. The despicable thing about this new politics of terrorism is that anything really aesthetic or sacred or vulnerable can suddenly find itself at the end of the barrel of a gun, or next to a live fuse. A knife at the throat of a child, a loaded pistol at the temple of a captive woman or an explosive device or the grave of a saint are of the same ilk. Kashmir History and Politics

Terrorist Role of Pakistan

Terrorist Role of Pakistan

Kashmir is unique among all the crisis points along the Indo-Pakistani border in that a marked escalation of the fighting -- both insurgency and regular -- is virtually inevitable before any effort for a peaceful solution can succeed. The primary reasons is the extent of the ideological commitment and self- interests of several of the key players involved. 

For Islamabad, the liberation of Kashmir is a sacred mission, the only task unfulfilled since Muhammad Ali Jinnah's days. Moreover, a crisis in Kashmir constitutes an excellent outlet for the frustration at home, an instrument for the mobilization of the masses, as well as gaining the support of the Islamist parties and primarily their loyalists in the military and the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI).

The ISI has a major interest to continue the crisis. Back in the 1970s, Pakistan started to train Sikhs and other Indian separatist movements as part of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's strategy for forward strategic depth. Pakistan adopted the sponsorship of terrorism and subversion as an instrument to substitute for the lack of strategic depth and early warning capabilities. The Pakistani sponsored terrorists and the Pakistani intelligence operatives in their ranks would be able to warn Pakistan of any impending Indian invasion, and then launch a guerrilla warfare against the Indian Army even before it reached the border with Pakistan. Therefore, sponsoring separatist subversion has become a crucial component of Islamabad's national military strategy. 

The following articles will provide you with an in-depth analysis of Pakistan's involvement in instigating and supporting terrorism in Kashmir by establishing various training centers for providing arms training to many Kashmiri Muslim youths who are lured out of their homes in Kashmir to cross over the border - all in the name of religion for fighting a Jehad (holy war) against Infidel India.

Book Review - Jeet Ya Haar (By Balraj Madhok)

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	Book Review - Jeet Ya Haar (By Balraj Madhok) Raiders’ Invasion-New Revelations By P.N. Raina Jeet (win) Ya (or) Haar (Defeat) is a novel based on the Tribal Raiders’ invasion of J&K State in 1947. Its author Prof. Balraj Madhok claims that the novel is based on the actual incidents, events he had recorded regularly in his daily diary. Actual names of some characters have been changed to protect their identity as the novel was first published in 1953. Real incidents have been dramatized to give it the shape of a novel. Many of the events narrated by the author have been corroborated by independent observers who were witness to the era. Sh. Meher Chand Mahajan took over as Prime Minister of J&K State on 15th October 1947. His shrewdness, administrative capability and political foresight were well acknowledged even by his adversaries. His appointment unnerved Pakistanis who felt that their game-plan to grab Kashmir may run into rough weather with Mahajan at the helm. The Pakistanis were working overtime to create vast subversion network in the J&K State to prepare the ground for external invasion. They were trying to buy the loyalties of their co-religionists in state forces, training a section of local population for subversion in Jammu province. They were also dumping arms and ammunition in selective areas of Jammu region. All this was being planned meticulously, keeping the strategic details and the D-Day a top secret. While all this was being done the senior officers of State forces were kept in good humour that everything was hunky dory. Prof. Balraj Madhok’s well-written novel throws light on all this. It also covers the actual invasion and the author’s escape in the aftermath of invasion. Many canards were spread by his political adversaries to distort his role and twist events to suit them politically. A dispassionate history detailing the patriotic role of all those forces who worked overtime to see the Kashmir remains with India during those, fateful days still eludes us. ‘Haar’ Ya ‘Jeet’ will obviously help in removing many cobwebs of confusion and facilitate in reconstructing the authentic history of that phase.    PROF. MADHOK’S ROLE: Prof. Madhok was among the first 15 RSS workers of Undivided Punjab. He stood first in MA (History) in Punjab University. He came to Srinagar in 1944 and was appointed Vice-Principal of DAV College. Prof. Madhok was also chief of RSS organisation in Kashmir. A dynamic organiser Prof. Madhok was able to create a group of 250 cadres in Srinagar within a few years. During his stay in Lahore he had also been working in coordination with RSS workers in Rawalpindi district, Peshawar, Hazara, Abbotabad, Lahore etc. Due to his contacts with Sh. Meher Chand Mahajan from Lahore days Prof. Madhok had direct access to higher-ups in Maharaja’s administration. As per Prof. Madhok’s testimony he harnessed all his contacts to unearth the invasion conspiracy even as early as 9th October i.e. 12 days before the actual invasion. Had his information been acted upon much of the death and destruction could have been averted. The Maharaja’s administration would have been on a firmer wicket to face the Raiders (read Pakistanis). But then these are ‘ifs’ and ‘buts’ of history. DR. S.K. ATRI’S INFORMATION: On October 8, 1947 Prof. Madhok got the first clue regarding the intended invasion from Dr. SK Atri. A medico from UP, Dr. Atri had been practicising medicine in Srinagar for over two decades. He was an influential and a renowned doctor in the city. Some of his elderly Muslim clients who had po-Pak views had visited him in the evening of 7th October and requested him to leave Srinagar along with his family at the earliest because Pakistan would be invading Kashmir soon and members of the minority community would be soft targets. A little scared Dr. Atri took Prof. Madhok into confidence the following day. PUNJAB MUSLIM HOTEL: During those days Punjab Muslim Hotel at Pratap Chowk (now called Lal Chowk) was known to be the rendezvous of Pak spies and agents. Prof. Madhok took a few of his top cadres into confidence and decided out a strategy to dig out more details about the Pak gameplan. He decided to utilize the services of some cadres who had come to Srinagar from Punjab and NWFP. Prof Madhok managed to infiltrate his confidents into Punjab Muslim Hotel. Within two days he was able to unearth major elements in the Pakistani conspiracy. He got precise details about how Pakistan was subverting loyalties of a section of the Maharaja’s forces. Many top officers at Civil and Military level were working for Pakistan. These included Col. Adalat Khan, Ch. Faizullah Khan, Wazir Wazarat Baramulla. Prof. Madhok also learnt that invasion was to come from the direction of Abottabad, the invaders were to include Pak army personnel in civies and Pathan tribesmen. The Maharaja was to be taken captive, and then Pakistan would make declaration about Kashmir’s accession with Pakistan. Prof. Madhok says that soon after collecting this vital information he managed to convey it to Maharaja and Brig. Kashmir Singh, the Chief of State Forces. Madhok made a suggestion to disarm the section of state forces whose loyalities had raised a question mark. HARISH BHANOT: Two days later Harish Bhanot, RSS Chief of Abbotabad reached Srinagar. After partition Bhanot had been working underground as a RSS activist in Abbotabad under the cover name of ‘Nawab of Boi’. He had links with top officials of Pakistan and had gathered vital information from them about the invasion. Before the cover could blow off Bhanot managed to reach Srinagar by Car. On 16th of October, Prof. Madhok apprised Sh. Meherchand Mahajan about the information brought by Bhanot. Prime Minister Mahajan in view of limited strength of state forces made a request to Prof. Madhok to lend his helping hand. On 17th October Brig. Kashmir Singh met Prof. Madhok and informed him that details supplied by the latter have been found to be true. The Brigadier also expressed helplessness of the government in acting upon the information in view of limited troops at its disposal. Srinagar had just one company, with loyalty of a good number of troops under doubt. Brig. Kashmir Singh also talked about non-availability of arms and ammunition (which used to come via Rawalpindi road) and petrol stocks. Three was no enough petrol for army trucks. Brig. Kashmir Singh’s another worry was that Col. Narayain Singh was refusing to accept the gravity of the situation as related by Headquarters. The Brigadier asked Prof. Madhok to send some of his own activists to Domel to convince Col. Narain Singh. Accordingly, Harish Bhanot was sent on Col. Narain Singh motorcycle to Domel on morning of 22nd October. At Uri he learnt about the raiders’ attack and returned to Srinagar in the evening. A few hours after Bhanot had left for Domel, Sh. Mangla Sein, a RSS Pracharak of Teetwal reached Srinagar. He informed Prof. Madhok about raiders’ attack on Muzaffarabad and told him that non-Muslims were fleeing towards Srinagar and Poonch to escape reprisals. Bhanot later joined Hindustan Times as a columnist and belonged to an influential family. He lives in Chandigarh. Mangal Sein later became leader of opposition in Haryana Assembly. RSS HELP CALLED: In the intervening night of 23/24 October, Maharaja’s ADC took Prof. Madhok to Maharaja’s palace in Srinagar. The Maharaja was closeted with his Prime Minister and Brig. Kashmir Singh. Sh. Meher Chand Mahajan talked about the grimness of the situation, aggravated by desertions in State forces. The Prime Minister said that his government expected Indian forces soon and asked Prof. Madhok to get his cadres so that they could be of help in maintaining order in Srinagar. At that time Brig. Rajender Singh was still holding on at Uri. While meeting was on the Maharaja telephonically ordered Brigadier to hold on to the last man and the last breath. On 24 October, Prof. Madhok collected 200 workers at the premises of Arya Samaj, most of them were college students. They were given two hours training in using 303 rifles at Badami Bagh. On 26th October, some groups of raiders had already positioned themselves around Shalteng. Prof. Madhok had gone to Badami Bagh Cantt to know whether Indian Army was coming in time or not. At 3 PM it was clear that Indian forces were expected any moment. Soon after this news NC and Communist Workers came out on streets of Srinagar for organising Civil Defence of the city. Same evening 200 RSS workers were put in 2-3 army trucks by Maharaja’s administration and despatched to Shalteng to hold back raiders till the time Indian forces landed in Srinagar. When the trucks reached Hari Singh High Street (Amirakadal) NC workers intercepted them. They searched the RSS cadres and found most of their rifle magazines empty. The NC workers thrashed them, telling them that raiders would lynch them within no time at Shalteng. The RSS workers were disarmed and asked to disperse. Later, a mischievous rumour was floated that RSS plan to create mischief in the city had been foiled. This mistrust later led to a bigger conflict, which paved way for Sheikh Abdullah’s dismissal in 1953. Prof. Madhok’s novel also makes a revelation that Maharaja cancelled his visit to Bhimbar on 20th October on the basis of information supplied by him. The Maharaja and his Prime Minister were on a tour of Jammu region to take stock of the latest situation. Pakistan, having come to know about it, had hatched a plan to attack Bhimber and take the Maharaja captive. Source: Kashmir Sentinel

Pak Invasion - Looking Back

Sh. Sati Sahni is a Veteran Journalist with an experience of over six decades in the profession. An ace photographer, he is the only  working Journalist to have covered all the four wars--1947-1948, 1962,1965 and 1971. In a conversation with Kashmir Sentinel he visited down memorylane to recapture his experiences in covering Pak Invasion in 1947-48. The first part of the conversation was carried in previous issue, Nov. 2007. The second part is being published in this issue.         - The Editor

KS: You covered the 1947-48 war as a correspondent. Did you represent any paper then?

SS: At the time of war I was not a working journalist. My interest was definitely in the profession. Since I knew senior officers in Maharaja's administration and also the top leaders of political parties, particularly National Conference I had access to all news yielding sources.

On 27th of October, 1947 the day first batch of Indian troops landed in Srinagar a clutch of reporters from Delhi were flown by an Army PRO. They included M.Sobhan, younger brother of Brig. Usman and a reporter each from The Hindu and the API (later renamed as PTI). Sobhan came as representative of The Times of India and Indian News Chronicle group. It was sheer chance that I happened to meet these reporters the same evening and remained associated with them during the next three days they were in Srinagar. I helped them in news gathering and arranged their meetings with NC leaders.

Before returning to Delhi M.Sobhan asked me if I would be available to send the reports on  the ongoing war from Srinagar to The Times Of India; I readily agreed. This was the start of my active journalistic profession. My career thus began as a war correspondent. It is a rare occasion in the journalism profession. Covering war for a novice is a difficult job in view of inexperience, unfamiliarity with war terminology etc. It also involves high-voltage reporting.

On 30th October three foreign correspondents were also flown to Srinagar. The battle of Baramulla was going on. The first reports on the war were sent by Sobhan and other journalists.

KS: What were your initial experiences in covering the war?

SS: The Emergency administration took over on 31st of October. Its operational office was set-up in Palladium Talkies in Lal Chowk, while the formal offices were in Old Secretariat.

For the first two nights the Army troops and the IAF staff which landed in Srinagar had to stay in tents at the Airstrip. The senior officers were later lodged in the State Guest House, opposite Amar Singh Club. A visit to the State Guest House and 2-3 visits to Palladium Talkies were required every day to get the latest information of happenings around. There was no formal Information Department nor any Defence PRO stationed in Srinagar. The correspondents covering the operations had to be on their own, secure whatever information they could and then use it on their own responsibility. There were other difficulties as well. One could not go to theatre of operations. There were no arrangements, no transport, no communication facilities etc. It was difficult to verify the news since there was no official briefing. Lot of rumours were making rounds in Srinagar city. For first 5-6 days we were bottled up in the city.

KS: Who were the correspondents who covered the war then?

SS: We were only two journalists-Pt. Radha Krishan Kak and myself. Sh. Nand Lal Wattal used to visit Palladium Talkies once or twice a day to meet NC leaders but he did not cover war as such.

KS: There was an ugly episode in which there was accidental killing of some civilians in Srinagar by army soldiers? What was that?

SS: This episode took place on 2nd of November. Lal Chowk was agog with reports that army personnel had killed some civilians somewhere between airstrip and Rambagh. In Lal Chowk we learnt that a 2000 strong procession carrying dead bodies of those killed was proceeding towards Srinagar. It was raising anti-Indian slogans, blaming the armymen for deaths. There were slogans like 'Katle Aam Ho Gaya'. When this information reached NC leadership at Palladium Talkies, Bakshi Gh. Mohd. left in an army truck along with few volunteers. He confronted the processionists at the Rambagh bridge. Bakshi was able to pacify them by explaining the circumstances in which the three civilians had got killed. Thus a major demonstration of communal nature was averted. National Conference was quick to blame the Muslim Conference workers for instigating the crowd. In retrospect I shudder to think what situation could have erupted if this procession had reached Amirakadal or Lal Chowk area. The inflamed sentiments could have resulted in communal riots, even killings.

This timely handling of this delicate situation made the authorities aware of the dangers inherent. The Emergency administration devised strategies to counter such moves. In every mohalla volunteers were deployed. Situation was very fluid, in fact, critical on the evening of 2nd November. This was in a way the beginning of the Peace Brigade. Though it would have taken 8-10 days but the episode of 2nd November precipitated its constitution. The episode of 2nd November was my first reporting. Those days the tradition of mentioning byline was not there.

KS: You also reported on defeat of the Pakistanis/Raiders at Budgam and Shalteng.

SS: On 2nd of November after Col. Rai had been killed at Baramulla the local commander decided to pull back to Pattan so that defences of Srinagar could be strengthened.

In the meantime the enemy decided to put into action the three-pronged strategy to capture Srinagar.  One column was to move along the main highway to Srinagar, left hook was to send contingent to Budgam to take care of the Airport and engage the Indians there. Second one was to try and infiltrate towards Ganderbal. The enemy was able to reach Budgam Sector on 2nd November.

In the meantime a company of Kumaonis was landed at Srinagar and rushed to the Budgam front. Its incharge was Major Somnath Sharma whose hand was in plaster due to an injury. For the next 30 hours the Kumaonis were able to hold back the enemy, but on the afternoon of 3rd November a massive attack overwhelmed the Indian forces. Major Sharma was killed on the spot. He belonged to Himachal Pradesh. His father had served as Major General of Medical Services. Major Som Nath Sharma's indomitable courage and high quality of leadership he showed earned him posthumously the first Paramvir Chakra of the country. He had saved the Srinagar Airport from falling into the hands of the enemy.

During the next three days reinforcements came in by road also. This included artillery pieces, armoured cars and Infantry. The Brigade Headquarters was set up and three different brigade commanders took charge on three different days. On the first day the brigade commander was injured, then on the second day another one was brought in his place. The following day he was promoted and sent to the front. The new brigade commander took over. On 5th of November Major General Kulwant Singh landed in Srinagar and took charge as Commander of the forces. It was decided that before the enemy launched a direct offensive against Srinagar from areas around Shalteng, where they had amassed a large force, should be confronted on its hometurf. Offensive was considered to be best defence in these circumstances. In the meantime air support had also become available. Fighters from Ambala and Amritsar had successfully landed in Srinagar and were available.

Armoured cars, heavy artillery and air support were used first time in Kashmir at Shalteng. The operational Brigade was under the Command of Brig. LP Sen, with overall responsibility being that of Major General Kulwant Singh. The  Western Command was headed by Lt. General KM Cariappa.

The strategy had been so well worked and tactics properly honed that within seven hours the battle of Shalteng ended in large-scale death of enemy personnel and a total rout of their massive concentration. By evening our troops had pursued them to Pattan. The enemy lost hundreds of their personnel and equipment. Some managed to reach Baramulla, others continued their journey towards Uri. Shalteng proved to be the Waterloo of Pakistani attempted invasion. This was on 7th November. We did not go to the front because there was no transport, no direction nor any permission from the authorities. For news gathering our link in Guest House was Lt. Col. Harbaksh Singh, the Station Commander. He would do daily briefing. Col. PN Kak came 2 months later.

KS: How was Baramulla retaken from the enemy? What had been the fate of the town under its occupation by Pakistanis?

SS: On 8th of November after regrouping, the thrust to Baramulla continued and Indian forces entered the town on the same day in late hours.

On 9th November the army took Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, senior NC leader and Emergency Officer (Home) to Baramulla to show him the destruction wrought by Raiders and also facilitate his meeting with survivors. We--myself and Pt. RK Kak accompanied Bakshi Sahib, an army one-tonner carried us to the town. We reached Baramulla around noon. Brig. Sen was already there.

What we witnessed in Baramulla was a scene of death, destruction and desolation. Smoke was still billowing from some of the buildings which had been abandoned by the enemy and set on fire before they escaped from Baramulla. Bakshi Sahib was informed that out of 14 thousand odd population less than 2 thousand were in Baramulla on that day i.e. on 9th of November. The rest had either been killed or had left Baramulla for safer places. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was also shown the place where Maqbool Sherwani was killed. He was taken to St. Joseph Hospital, where he met the surviving nuns. He was shown the fresh graves of the foreigners and one Indian doctor and a nurse who had been killed by the enemy. Later, he visited the interiors of the town where he heard heart-rending stories from the survivors about the atrocities committed by the enemy troops and the looting and destruction by them. Bakshi Sahib was also told that nearly 300 truck loads of booty of the loot was sent out of Baramulla towards Domel the previous day. The people related stories of rapes and killings. The Pashtun tribesmen had no regard for anyone. We were told in Baramulla of Ch. Faizullah's role in facilitating the Pakistani invasion and assisting their commanders in Baramulla. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was informed that the refugees considered him a Pakistani officer rather than Wazir Wazarat of Baramulla. I had met Ch. Faizullah in Srinagar 10-15 days before the invasion. Faizullah had left along with convoy of loot. Bakshi felt very sad after visiting Baramulla.

In the meantime Indian troops continued the thrust towards Uri which was liberated on 11th of November.

The Historic Domel Bridge.

KS: Did you send your despatches directly to your editorial office?

SS: There were only two of us - Sh. RK Kak and Myself who were covering the war. We had to file reports and hand them over to a designated Army officer. He would then send these through Army signals to the Defence Ministry. After scrutiny the reports were passed on to the respective newspaper offices for publication. Sometimes the report sent by us would be published after two days, because there was low priority for it as against operational reports.

KS: Pandit Nehru also visited Kashmir soon after the liberation of Baramulla town.

SS: On 11th of November the Prime Minister of India Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru came to Srinagar first time after the Pakistani invasion. From the Airport he was brought to Lal chowk where he addressed a public gathering. Despite the fact that there was no prior announcement about his public address, yet the whole of Lal Chowk was full to listen to him. I was present and covered the event.

Pt. Nehru during his Kashmir visit in 1947. On his right is General Kulwant Singh.

Pt. Nehru in his address assured the people of Kashmir that all possible help would be rendered to defend them against Pakistan invaders, restore peace and ensure regular supply of essential items even if it meant lifting these by air.

Kashmiris felt happy that the Chief Executive of India had come to support and help. On this occasion Pt. Nehru assured Sheikh Abdullah of total support in meeting the challenges that his Administration faced. Sheikh Abdullah in return committed himself to restore peace in this part of the country and maintain communal harmony and orderly life for the common man.

Pt. Nehru making his historic public address at Palladium, Lal Chowk, Srinagar. On his left is Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah, The Head of Emergency Administration.

On 12th of November Nehruji visit Baramulla town. He was accompanied by Sheikh Abdullah, Bakshi Gh. Mohammd and General Kulwant Singh Pt. Nehru went to the town by road. There was no airstrip at Baramulla nor there were any helicopters. Besides 2-3 journalists (one from API) I and RK Kak went to Baramulla with the Prime Minister. We were not present all the time Nehruji was in Baramulla. He went round the destroyed and desolate town, saw burnt buildings, and talked to some of the wailing survivors. Later, he visited St. Joseph Hospital and Church as well. We were not able to talk to Nehruji in Baramulla.

KS: You did not talk to Pt. Nehru during this visit?

SS: He spoke to us in Srinagar the same day after return from Baramulla. He expressed his anguish at what he had seen and condemned the violence and the killings perpetrated by Pak army personnel. Pt. Nehru expressed sympathy with the victims and other survivors. He assured all help in rushing relief to the affected areas and early rehabilitation in safe regions. He said he had discussed the resettlement of large number of people who had managed to escape from areas now occupied by Pak armed raiders. He returned to Delhi the next day and action was taken without further loss of time on promises that he made in Srinagar. In the meantime situation in Srinagar had stabilised. Some semblance of administrative set-up had been restored. Peace and order prevailed. In the city there was absence of communal tension.

KS: On 15th of November JAK Force Hqs. was shifted to Jammu under the Command of Major-General Kulwant Singh. Why was it so?

SS: Situation was worsening in Jammu region. Since September 1947 Pakistan  had been making raids into Maharaja's territory. These were by armed men who belonged to Sudhan community of Poonch-Bagh area. Most of them had served in the British Indian Army. These armed men were directed and guided by Pak army officers. The latter provided them material support. This kept engaged the State Forces detachments stationed at different locations on the border.

The intensity of the raids alongwith their frequency and volume increased gradually. After the regular attack on 22nd of October it became an almost open rebellion with local hostile elements joining them. This created problems of law and order and security, especially for the minorities both in rural areas and urban settlements. The areas affected included Bhimbar, Kotli, Bagh, Mirpur etc.

KS: Rajouri's fate was worse. How was this town retaken?

SS: Reports came in that Pakistanis had overrun Rajouri on 10th of November and massacred large number of non-Muslims besides looting the town. 

On 16th November a column under Brig. Paranjpe was sent out to reinforce the garrisons in Nowshera and Jhangar. In the meantime enemy had amassed a sizeable force southwest of Mirpur and was preparing for an attack. The relieving column from Jammu could not proceed beyond Nowshera. The State forces stationed in Mirpur alongwith thousands of refugees managed to break the Pakistani stranglehold and escaped towards Jammu.

On 24/25th (November) night the enemy occupied Mirpur and indulged in large-scale killing and looting. As our column could not go beyond Nowshera, Kotli could not be relieved. Meanwhile, 77 Para Brigade had been moved to Jammu area under the command of Brig. Usman. Soon preparations were made to advance towards the border. For this it was important that a strong base at Nowshera was built up. Enemy sensing this made plans to encircle and occupy Nowshera. Pakistanis mounted a major battle in which nearly 15 thousand men attacked Nowshera from three directions in first week of February (1948).

The Indian troops fought back gallantly. At the end of the battle over 2 thousand Pakistanis were killed. The Battle of Nowshera was the biggest battle in that winter in Jammu region. Pakistanis had used a mixed force-regular armymen and Pashtun raiders in the battle, with the command being in the hands of Pak army officers.

In the meantime the enemy had occupied Jhangar a vital road junction giving access to Kotli and Bhimber. So the Indian side began making preparations for liberation of Jhangar.

The Army Hqs had decided that Jhangar may be held at any cost because of its locational importance. The Brigade Commander, Brigadier Usman was asked by the Army Commander to concentrate on Jhangar and make efforts to push the enemy as far as possible.

After the plans had been approved, in middle of March Indian troops launched a two-pronged attack on Jhangar. It took them two days to liberate Jhangar, with enemy suffering heavy casualties. Re-taking of Jhangar also relieved pressure of the enemy on Rajouri. Indian Army then decided to clear the area of the enemy beyond Rajouri. A strong force was gathered on the south-eastern end on 8th April. On 13th April the enemy was thrown out of Rajouri town. The death, destruction and atrocities committed by the Pakistani occupation forces were reportedly more than what they perpetrated in Baramulla.

KS: How was Brig. Usman killed?

SS: The Pak Army commanders had already put up a very massive price on Usman's head. Repeated efforts were made to eliminate him. Infact, at the time of partition Pak government offered him promotion of two ranks if he came and joined Pak army but he refused. Although located in Nowshera Usman had made frequent trips to Jhangar. On one of his trips while Brigadier Usman was camping in Jhangar very heavy artillery barrage was directed on the Jhangar Garrison. While Usman was on the evening of July 2, 1948 moving from bunker to bunker one sharpnel killed him on the spot. It was a great loss to the Army and the country. His dead body was flown to Delhi and buried with full state honours.

KS: There was probably a condolence meeting held in Srinagar at Lal Chowk as well? Did you have opportunity to meet him?

SS: Yes there was a condolence meeting in Srinagar on July 5. I had known Usman because of my association with his brother Subhan. I had an occasion of meeting him in Jammu in December 1947 and January, 1948. He was a simple man, a staunch follower of Mahatma Gandhi, a teetotaller, vegetarian and a votary of Khadi.

Some years ago a film documentary was made on life and work of Usman. The Army provided all logistics and a Major General was seconded for all co-ordination work. I was associated with the making of the film as only living war correspondent who had known and met him during critical days in 1948.

KS: How was Poonch liberated?

SS: In the month of December 1947 the enemy decided to capture Poonch and gathered a sizeable force to encircle it and force it to capitulate. Meanwhile, a large segment of minority population out of fear had left their homes and sought refuge in Poonch town. We were told in Jammu that there were 60-70 thousand refugees in Poonch town towards the end of December.

The Army Hqs. decided to break the siege of Poonch and decided to send a relief column from Uri across Haji Pir Pass. This column after crossing Haji Pir Pass was nearing a bridge.  Since it was already dusk and from Poonch the march of the column could be sighted faintly. The defenders of Poonch feared that this was an enemy column and demolished the bridge. The relief column could not reach Poonch and was withdrawn back to Uri but a small force on foot under the command of Lt. Col. Pritam Singh (later Brigadier) was able to reach Poonch. He took command of whatever forces were there and organized the defences of the town. Col. Pritam Singh found that besides the population of the Poonch a mass of refugees had to be taken care of and provided with food and other supplies.

Soldiers of the Poonch Garrison, June 1948.

Maj. Gen. Kulwant Singh is seated fourth from right.

Attempts were soon made to reinforce a defence effort by airdrops. Later, a heroic effort was made to land an aircraft at the make-shift airstrip. Thereafter inspite of Pakistani artillery fire the courageous pilots of the RIAF taking advantage of darkness at night used to land--bringing troops and supplies to the besieged garrison. The returning planes in a few weeks of time were able to evacuate forty thousand refugees; a massive effort indeed. Poonch siege continued till middle of June when for a few days land link from Rajouri could be established. This did not last long. The enemy after getting reinforcement was able to cut this route again. Since it was vital to have a land link with Poonch efforts continued to be made.

Following Brig. Usman's death the Army Hqs. decided to establish at any cost land link with besieged Poonch but enemy had under its control some dominating heights in this entire sector. A number of operations had to be launched to dislodge the enemy from these heights. Period between April and Sept. 1948 was used to secure passage for the Indian troops who were charged with the link-up. The final attempt to link up Poonch with Rajouri started with November 1948, two columns going through Bhimbar Gali and Mendhar. The main link-up was on 22nd November under the command of Major General Atma Singh. Poonch had lived under very trying conditions for one whole year.

In the meantime considering the importance of operations in J&K Lt. Gen. SM Srinagesh was appointed as Corps Commander for J&K on 15 September, 1948.

KS: Pt. Nehru also visited Jammu in December 1947.

SS: In first week of December after the fall of Mirpur it set Delhi thinking to takeover entire Jammu belt. So Prime Minister Nehru accompanied by Defence Minister flew into Jammu on 4th of December and held a meeting at the Airport to take a final decision. The military commanders were asked to execute these orders. The meeting was attended by the Maharaja, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad. Major-General Kulwant Singh, J&K Force Commander gave detailed report about military situation along the border and likely plans of the enemy.

Photo Essay

Raiders surrendering before Indian Army in Kupwara Sector.

Corpes of raiders after the battle of Shalteing in November 1947.

A Raider lorry.

MIRPUR NOV. 1947--A seen of destruction as a result of Raiders invasion.

This was the fate of Baramulla in 1947.

Uri Rest House burnt down by Raiders.

Jammu girls undergoing self defence training to fight Pak invaders. Maharani Tara Devi is also seen in this picture.

National Conference Volunteers staging a march in Srinagar in October 1947.

SKARDU FORT: Kashmiri Pandits and other Indians under the leadership Col. Sher Jang stayed here during the 6-month siege.

Major Som Nath Sharma

Brigadier Rajinder Singh

Col. D.R. Rai

Source: Kashmir Sentinel

The Kashyap News: Valparai: Waterfalls, wilderness and solace

The Kashyap News: Valparai: Waterfalls, wilderness and solace: Share 127 1 Yahoo Lifestyle/Yahoo India Travel/ Ramya Sriram - Athirappilly Falls stages a rainbow We kept...

The Kashyap News: Valparai: Waterfalls, wilderness and solace

The Kashyap News: Valparai: Waterfalls, wilderness and solace: Share 127 1 Yahoo Lifestyle/Yahoo India Travel/ Ramya Sriram - Athirappilly Falls stages a rainbow We kept...

Valparai: Waterfalls, wilderness and solace

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  Yahoo Lifestyle/Yahoo India Travel/ Ramya Sriram - Athirappilly Falls stages a rainbow

We kept our eyes peeled for leeches on the ground as we made our way to the waterfall. The stone steps, flanked by ferns, glistened with rain. We were visiting Athirappilly waterfalls in Kerala, which provided a grand beginning to our 80-km journey to Valparai in Tamil Nadu. We had chosen to take the famously scenic route through the thick Vazhachal forest in the Western Ghats.

The path to the waterfall was lined at frequent intervals with notice boards that reminded us that the forest and its resources were precious and vulnerable. Baby monkeys used the boards to perform gymnastics, while older ones looked unblinkingly at passers-by, possibly in hope of being fed.

The Athirappilly Falls in full flow

The 80-foot waterfall is formed by the Chalakudy River, which seemed surprisingly tame, but cascaded over the edge of the mountain furiously into a turqoise pool below. The pool was surrounded by what looked like impenetrable deep green forest. To my delight, a lovely rainbow played towards the bottom of the waterfall, with the foam blurring its colours slightly.

A small signboard pointed the way to the bottom of the waterfall - Way to Full View. The steps were ignored in some places, where visitors preferred to take the steeper and muddy “short-cut”. We reached the bottom of the waterfall, and the little girl in front of me squealed, “Wow!” I echoed her. We were looking up at enormous columns of water that crashed on the rocks below dramatically, birthing a spray of cool water over us. I remembered a TV ad I’d once seen that likened streams and waterfalls to the veins of mother earth, with blood surging through them. I understood the analogy then!

Curtains of water at Athirappilly Falls

I noticed that the way was completely clean and free of plastic, despite the numerous tourists there. A group of men sang a lilting Malalayam folk song as they descended the path, their voices mingling with the trill of cicadas.

Our next stop was at the Vazhachal waterfall, which ran over a gentler slope as compared to Athirappilly but was twice as loud. From a distance, it sounded like TV static noise, getting louder as we moved closer; then it was deafening. The Vazhachal forest is home to all the four species of hornbills (I didn’t spot any though). The route through the forest was quiet and deserted, except for the gurgling of the Chalakudy River, which travelled with us alongside. The forest was freshly washed by rain and everything from the ground to the treetops seemed to scream with life.

Vazhachal Falls - less spectacular than Athirappilly but louder

As we approached Malakkapara, a mist descended on us, an almost-opaque white screen that I’ve seen so often in the Ghats. It cleared within minutes, like a curtain raiser for the next scene – a completely different landscape of tea gardens caressing the clouds. I always look at tea plantations with a mixture of delight (how pretty they look!) and sadness (if unpruned, the tea "shrub" grows into a magnificent tree) and guilt (I'm a tea-lover). On the way, we encountered the Upper Sholayar Dam, the second deepest in Asia, which provides water and electricity to neighbouring areas.

Our destination, Sinna Dorai’s bungalow, situated in Upper Paralai tea estate of Parry Agro, took some time to locate. Two charming women welcomed us with a drink that was sweet and fresh – iced tea. I noticed wooden benches outside the cottages where I could already picture my mother meditating early in the morning. It was so quiet that any conversation seemed disturbing and out of place.

A peacock scans the valley in a Valparai tea plantation

The rooms were done up in teak, cane and jute, maintaining a tone of natural warmth. Food was hot and steaming – dal, roti, rice, sambar and rasam, all home-cooked – and served by smiling staff. The coconut soufflé was a perfect end to the meal, and was followed by an hour of me battling existential questions – what was I doing living in a crowded, polluted city? I vowed, like every time I visit the Western Ghats, that I would move out and settle down in the hills.

In the evening, Murugan, our local guide, took us for a short walk around the Parry Agro estate on the road, which he said was “shared by elephants and bison”. Visitors are usually not allowed to roam around on their own “for their own safety as well as for safety of the animals.” I suspected the animals possibly needed more protection from humans than vice versa. As we walk, we hear bird calls – a magpie robin, Murugan tells us, the crooning of a spotted dove, and a loud, clear call of a peacock, which was so close that I jumped. It stood silhouetted against the twilight sky, before it spread its brown wings and swooped over the valley and disappeared into a tree. “Did you know peacocks could fly that far?” my mum asked in a hushed whisper. Murugan, amused by our wonder, said, “Wait till you hear the Malabar Whistling Thrush hold katcheris in the mornings.”

A walk through Upper Paralai Estate

The Upper Paralai Estate is about 225 hectares in area and is exclusively dedicated to growing organic tea: “No chemicals, only neem cake and vermi-compost.” Silver oak trees, which help bind the soil, are planted in between the tea. “It is a light tree and falls easily,” Murugan said, upon which we backed away from the tree a little. “But it acts as good manure.” The tea is sold in five flavours - strawberry, peach, black currant, lemon mint and green apple. The 700 workers there are all provided with accommodation within the estate. Most of them send their children to the local school and college. Some of the other estates in Valparai belong to Tata, PKT, Jayashree Industries, NEPC and Woodbriar. Murugan stopped to pluck a fern leaf. He stamped it on his hand and sheepishly told us that it leaves a silver-white “tattoo” on the skin.

The bungalow boasts of a quaint library, well stocked with books, two Murphy radio sets and an ancient typewriter. An enormous log register from 1952 sits on the table, which has the names of the tea estate workers, the amount of work done per day and the corresponding pay. A cosy sitting room, complete with fireplace, includes a record player. The decor and serveware is exquisite – if you like a piece, you could request them to source it for you. Murugan tells us that the bungalow got its name from the local salutation for ‘Assistant Manager’. Back in the room, I read a letter from the current Sinnai Dorai himself, who made it quite clear that we behave ourselves, respect the environment, and not try any funny business with the animals.

A pretty clock in the library at Sinna Durai's Bungalow in Valparai

A plethora of bright-eyed birds awaited us the next morning outside the cottage. It is always special to see dawn rise over the hills, gently prodding to life all things big and small. Shortly after, a siren sounded – the signal for the first batch of workers to begin their tasks for the day. Murugan appeared and ushered me down the slope into the tea gardens. Among the green, brown blobs moved heavily about. Gaur! We watched in silence as the gaur grazed on the grass among the tea (“No animal likes tea,” Murugan said. “Only we do.”)
We climbed up the steep slope to our cottage again, when he turned around suddenly and wildly gestured to me with a finger on his lips. He quietly parted the leaves of a bush and – OMG! I found myself staring straight at a leopard. Thankfully, it was a good distance away, but surely it was making eye contact with me? I was too nervous to move or reach for the camera. The staring match continued – I couldn’t tell who was more startled. Throughout, Murugan asked me to stay completely quiet and still. The leopard, bored of these seemingly inanimate creatures, turned around and bounded off into the trees. I was shivering with excitement – this was my first big cat sighting in the wild!

Over breakfast, the staff told us that wild animal sightings are extremely common in the area. Encounters are an everyday affair. “Elephants are fine as long as you get out of their path,” we are told. “If you confront it or poke a camera in its face, it may attack.” Though both tigers and leopards are found in the area, leopard attacks are more common. After a pause, Murugan added, “We are trespassing on their property, you know.”

Our cottage at Sinna Durai's Bungalow

Sinna Dorai’s bungalow, like most mountain getaways, offers tranquility and a chance to bond with nature. But more than that, it offers a way of living. I was impressed by the way its inhabitants and tea estate workers co-existed with the wilderness around them. It looked like a value system was firmly in place, respected and obeyed. For those who can adjust to being treated at par with their wild fellow-creatures and can appreciate and follow the code of conduct, this is the place. Just twenty-four hours in Valparai made me feel like I was moulting, shedding off a layer of the old and growing new skin. With its commitment to responsible travel, cool air and homely warmth, a visit to this bungalow can be described as nothing short of healing.

Ramya Sriram is a cartoonist, writer and founder ofThe Tap, her trove of visual and verbal stories. When not illustrating or translating ideas into comics, she’s hopping onto trains and running off to the mountains.                          
POSTED BY  VIPUL KOUL

swami nand bub

डॉ. शिबनकृष्णरैणा *Dr S. K. Raina
*Raina,Shiben Krishen MA(Hindi&English),PhD;Professor/Writer; Born: April22,1942 Srinagar(J&K); Education: J&K,Rajasthan and Kurukshetra Univs;Head Hindi Dept.Govt Postgraduate College, Alwar;Sought voluntary retirement from Principalship and joined Indian Institute of Advanced Study,Rashtrapati Nivas, Shimla as Fellow to work on Problems of Translation(1999-2001). Publications: 14 books including Kashmiri Bhasha Aur Sahitya(1972), Kashmiri Sahitya Ki Naveentam Pravrittiyan(1973), Kashmiri Ramayan:Ramavtarcharit(1975 tr.from Kashmiri into Hindi), Lal Ded/Habbakhatoon-monographs tr.from English(1980), Shair-e-Kashmir Mehjoor(tr.1989); Ek Daur(Novel tr.1980) Kashmiri Kavyitriyan Aur unka Rachna Sansar(1996 crit); Maun Sambashan(Short stories 1999); Awards: Bihar Rajya Bhasha Vibagh, Patna 1983; Central Hindi Directorate 1972, Sauhard Samman 1990; Rajasthan Sahitya Academy Translation Award (1998) Bhartiya Anuvad Parishad Award(1999); Titles conferred:Sahityashri,Sahitya Vageesh, Alwar Gaurav, Anuvadshri etc. Address: 2/537(HIG) Aravali Vihar,Alwar 301001, India