मृत्यु के सयम

सृष्टि का यह नियम है कि जो इस धरती पर आया है उसे एक न एक दिन अपने शरीर को छोड़कर वापस परलोक जाना है, यानी उसकी मृत्यु तय है। मृत्यु के विषय में पुराणों में जो बातें बताई गयी हैं उसके अनुसार हर व्यक्ति के साथ

मृत्यु के सयम यह 10 बातें जरूर होती हैं।जब किसी व्यक्ति को पानी में, तेल में, दर्पण में अपनी छवि नही आए या उनकी परछाई विकृत दिखाई देने लगे तो ऐसा माना जाता है कि व्यक्ति के शरीर त्यागने का समय नजदीक आ चुका है।मृत्यु के नजदीक आने पर व्यक्ति की आंखों की रोशनी खत्म हो जाती है और उसे अपने आस-पास बैठे लोग भी नजर नहीं आते।जीवन में जो भी अच्छे या बुरे कर्म किए हैं वह सारे कर्म व्यक्ति की आंखों के सामने से इस प्रकार गुजरते हैं जैसे किसी फिल्म को आप उलटा देख रहे हों यानी जीवन के अंतिम कर्म से लेकर जन्म तक की सभी घटनाएं आंखों के सामने तैरती चली जाती है।जिनके कर्म अच्छे होते हैं उन्हें अपने सामने एक दिव्य प्रकाश नजर आता है और व्यक्ति मृत्यु के समय भी भयभीत नहीं होता।गरुड़ पुराण में बताया गया है कि जब मृत्यु की घड़ी निकट आती है तो यम के दो दूत मरने वाले प्राणी के सामने आकर खड़े हो जाते हैं।जिनके कर्म अच्छे नहीं होते हैं उन्हें अपने सामने यम के भयंकर दूत खड़े दिखते हैं और वह भयभीत होता रहता है।शरीर त्याग करने के अंतिम समय में व्यक्ति की आवाज भी खत्म हो जाती है और वह बोलने की कोशिश करता है लेकिन बोल नहीं पाता है। आवाज घरघराने लगती है जैसे किसी ने गला दबा रखा हो।आत्मा जीवन की सभी घटनाओं को यानी कर्मों को अपने साथ लेकर शरीर को त्याग देती है और यमदूत व्यक्ति के अभौतिक शरीर को अपने साथ लेकर यमराज के दरबार की ओर ले जाते हैं।व्यक्ति के मृत्यु के बाद पापी मनुष्य को ढाई मुहूर्त में यानी लगभग 24 घंटे में यमदूत वायुमार्ग से यमलोक ले जाते हैं। यहां यमराज व्यक्ति के कर्मों का लेखा जोखा करते हैं इसके बाद यमदूत वापस व्यक्ति की आत्मा को लेकर पृथ्वी पर आते हैं।

 

 

Kashmiri Surnames

by Ram Krishen Kaul

 

1 Origin
Although Kashmiris are said to be the true specimen of Aryan race, yet the last authoritative word about their origin has not been said so far. Scholars are divided on the question of the ancestory of Kashmiris. However, many Western and Indian scholars have argued that Kashmiri Pandits, without any doubt, belong to Aryan race. Pandit Anand Koul says, "it is certain that it (Kashmir) was a colony of Aryan immigrants from Central Asia. Their features and fair complexion be speak them of the inner Aryan race''. Thompson is of the view that the Aryans were a long headed race of tall stature with narrow noses and fair complexion. Their purest representatives are found today mainly in Kashmir. Monier Williams declared the Kashmiri Pandits as the finest type of Aryan race. George Campbell says that the Kashmiris are quite High-Aryan in the type of their features - very fair and handsome, with high chiselled features, and no trace of inter-mixture of the blood of any lower race.
Our concern is not to dispute with the views of learned scholars quoted above but only to be acquainted with all shades of opinion and views. Mr. Bamzi is right when he says, "So far no ethnological survey of the Kashmiri people has been conducted, and we have only to depend upon superficial and general affinities which clearly point to their being physically allied to the people living in the region of Chitral, Gilgit, Afghanistan and Punjab. These Nodics who infiltrated into Kashmir are identical with the ancestors of the Dard speaking tribes, the Pisachas of the Sanskrit literature.
Legend clescribes the sage Kashyapa as the leader of colonisers of the valley. He is said to have under gone severe penances, killed the water demon of Satisara, drained out the stagnant water, and finally established a colony of his followers. Kashyapa, aithough an eminent Vedic Rishi, is said to have belonged to a non-Aryan stock. Even legend describes him "the father of all creatures including Nagas and Pisachas." The legend of Nilamata Purana describes in detail the stiff opposition and long controversy of Nagas and Pisachas to the Aryan immigrants. It would not be out of place to have a brief introduction with the Pisachas of yore who, if recent researches are any indication, might have been one among many of our ancestors.
2 Pisachas
Legend classifies them with fiends and evil spirits. The Vedas have placed them lower than the Rakshasas (Ogres), and amongst the most vile and noxious of beings. They are said to have been residing at cemeteries, devouring corpses and causing malignant diseases. Accounts differ as to their origin. The Brahmana and the Mahabharata say that they were created by Brahma, together with the Asuras and Rakshasas, from the stray drops of water which fell apart from the drops out of which gods, men, gandharvas etc., had been produced. According to Manu they sprang from the Prajapatis. In the Puranas they are represented as the offspring of Kashyapa by his wife Krodhavasa or Pisacha, or Kapisa.
The Nilamata describes them as friends of Daityas, dwelling in an Oasis, in the middle of the sea of sand. In Kashmir they lived under the leadership of Nikumba. As a result of Kashyapa's curse on the Nagas, the Pisachas occupied the valley of Kashmir for six months each year. This account refers to the human character of the Pisachas.
As already pointed out that they were the ancestors of the Dards, there is nothing to disbelieve that they, finding the climate of the valley warmer than the in hospitable regions of the North and East, came down to occupy the valley of Kashmir for the winter months. Mr. Bamzi quotes a statement of Drew to substantiate the theory of seasonal migration. "Further East (of Padar) across the glaciers lies the inaccessible country of Zanskar where the people and cattle live indoor for six months out of the year, where trees are scarce and food is scarcer. Farthest east is Rupshu, the lowest point of which is 13,500 feet. In Rupshu live the nomad champas, who are able to work in an air of extraordinary rarity and complain bitterly of the heat of Leh." And this is, perhaps, the only reason that they would leave the valley with the first sign of coming of Spring.
Although once held to be non-Aryan aboriginals, and usually assigned a home in the Vindhya regions, they are now believed to have been of Mongolian affinity. The Mahabharata refers to the north-west as their home; they are thought to have belonged to the region immediately, South of the Hindu Kush and may have been Scythians. They are described as reddish in appearance and as formidable opponents in war. The Rig-Veda records a prayer to Indra against them in the battle.
Their language Paisachi acquired fame through Gunadhya's tale, Brihat Katha, and their Pisacha form of marriage was recognised in the later Aryan social system. Their skill in Surgery was such that this science was referred to in the Gopatha Brahmana as the Pisacha Veda.
3 Panchagaudas
Geographically the Brahmanas are divided into two groups (i) Panchagaudas residing the north of Vindhyas and (ii) Pancha Dravidas residing south of the Vindhyas. The Panchagaudas consist of Kanyakubja, Sarasvata, Gauda, Mithala and Utkala branches, whereas Pancha Dravidas consist of the Mahavashtriyan, Telgu, Dravida Karnataka and Malabar branches.
3.1 Sarasvats
Kashmiri Pandits, with a few exceptions, belong to the category of Sarasvat Brahmans. There is also a Vaisya caste, but it is very small in number and is found only in some towns. However, classifying them as a Vaisya caste is disputed by many. They claim themselves to be the descendants of purest of Brahmanas. There is, according to Prof. Madan, some divergence of views regarding the Sarasvats of other parts of India and Kashmir being one single caste. Some of his infolmants claim that Kashmiri Brahmanas are distinct from others linking their caste to the goddess Sarasvati, while according to Mr Madan, Sarasvats as a whole derive their name from the river Sarasvati. He further refers to Jatimala where Sarasvats and Kashmiri Brahmans are mentioned separately, and at the same time refers to the Sarasvat Brahmans of Western coast claiming their descent from Kashmiri Brahmans. So far as the separate mention of Kashmiri and Sarasvat Brahmans is concerned it does not prove that the Kashmiri Brahmans belong to some non-Sarasvat caste. It is a matter of cross classification only. A Maharashtrian, a Gujrati or a Punjabi can belong to both the categories of Sarasvat and Maharashtrian, Gujrati or Punjabi Brahmans. Further modern scholars believe that Sarasvati river and the goddess Sarasvati are, in fact, only one entity, the latter having originated from the myth surrounded over the former. It may, therefore, be necessary to peep through the mist of myth and legend to find out their real identity and mutual relationship.
3.2 Sarasvati river
In the Mahabharata the Rishi Sarasvata is represented as being, the son of the personified river Sarasvati. In a time of great drought he was fed with fish by his mother and so was enabled to keep up his knowledge of the Vedas, while other Brahmans were reduced to such straits for the means of subsistance that study was neglected and the Vedas were lost. When the drought was over, the Brahmans flocked to him for instruction from him. "This legend" says, Wilson "appears o indicate to revival, or, more probably, the introduction of the Hindu ritual by the race of Brahmans, or the people called Sarasvats", who dwelt near the Sarasvati river.
3.3 Sarasvati goddess
Sarasvati has been described primarily a river, in the Vedas, but is celebrated in hymns both as a river and a deity. As a river goddess, she is lauded for fertilising and purifying powers of her waters, and as the bestower of fertility, fatness and wealth. Her position as Vach, the goddess of speech, finds no mention in the Rig-Veda, but is recognised by the Brahmanas and the Mahabharata. Dr Muir endeavours to account for her acquisition of this character. He says, "when once the river had acquired a divine character, it was quite natural that she should be regarded as the patroness of the ceremonies which were celebrated on the margin of her holy waters and that her direction and blessing should be invoked as essential to their proper performance and success. The connection into which she was thus brought with sacred rites may have led to the further step of imagining her to have an influence on the composition of the hymns which formed so important a part of the proceedings, and of identifying her with Vach, the goddess of speech''.
3.4 Religious Practices
It is thus clear, that the Sarasvats of Kashmir are in no way different from the Sarasvats of plains, so far as their origin is concerned. But there is a wide difference in their religious beliefs and social customs. The earliest inhabitants of Kashmir, probably, cherished some aboriginal beliefs the details of which are not traceable now, the Naga worship being one of them. After the fall of Buddhism, in Kashmir, the Shaivism with all the vigour was re-introduced. Though exact date and circumstances leading to the introduction of Shaivism in the valley are shrouded in a mystery, yet the archaeologists have discovered traces of Shiva worship to the remote past. "It is not known, whether the Shiva of Kashmir was an immigrant from the neighbouring Indus valley or was of local origin. The conception of Rudra-Shiva of the Vedic Aryans perhaps might have had some influence on the development and early growth of Shaivism in the valley. . . whatever might have been the origin of Shaivism in Kashmir there is no doubt that Shiva as a popular deity was widely worshipped in the valley from a remote past." Early Shaivism was of the Pasupati cult. Mahabharata states that the doctrine of Pasupata was preached first by Shiva Srikantha. He was regarded in the valley as the promulgator of Shivagama or Agamanta Shaivism which included within itself system of Pasupata. Pasupati is one of many names of Rudra, who is believed to be the 'lord of creatures'. Kashmiris have been, thus, worshipping the Lord Shiva in the form of Maha Rudra, the Lord of all Rudras.
3.5 Rudra
Rudra has been defined as a 'howler or roarer; the terrible', 'the rudy one'. In the Vedas Rudra has many attributes and many names. He is the howling terrible god, the god of storms, the father of the Rudras or Maruts and is sometimes identified with the god of fire. On the one hand, he is a destructive deity who brings diseases upon men and cattle, and upon the other he is a beneficent deity supposed to have a healing influence. These are the germs which afterwards developed into the god Siva. It is worthy of note that Rudra is first called Maha-deva in the white Yajurveda. As applied to the god Shiva, the name of Rudra generally designates him in his destructive character.
In the Brihadaranyakaupanishada the Rudras are the vital breaths (Praa), the heart (Manas) being the eleventh. Their number is often discrepently given as three, seven, or eleven, sometimes even more. ln some legends, the Rudras are the seven manifestations of the god Rudra. According to the vishnupurana, Rudra sprang from a drop of blood which fell into the fire when Brahma once scratched himself as he wiped the perspiration from his brow with a piece of sacrificial wood. Brahma commanded Rudra to divide himself into male and female, then to multiply into eleven beings, and of these some were black and ferocious and some white and gentle. They were (i) Mrigvyadha, (ii) Sarpa, (iii) Nirriti, (iv) A Jaikapada, (v) Ahirbudhnya, (vi) Pinakin, (vii) Dahana, (vii) Kapalin, (Skull holding, a name also given to Shiva), (ix) Sthanu, (x) Bhaga and (xi) Tryambaka. In other legends again the eleven Rudras are the sons of the rishi Kashyapa by Surabhi.
Yet another legend relates that a Brahmin desired a son, and a youth appeared to him. When the Brahmin asked his name the youth wept and the Brahman named him Rudra, 'weeper'. The lad wept seven times more and was given seven more names: Bhava, Sarqa, Isana, Pashupati, Bhima, Ugra, Mahadeva.
Rudra's essential importance lies in the fact that in later mythology he evolved into Shiva and grew to great prominence in the Hindu Pantheon. Generally the name Rudra when applied to Shiva denotes Shiva's destructive character.
3.6 Sakti Worship
Besides worshipping Lord Shiva in his Rudra form, Kashmiri Pandits are devout worshippers of the Sakti, the consort of Shiva. Each family alleges its devotion and allegiance to one of the three manifestations of the goddess Durga e.g., Sharika, Ragiya and Jawala. Various religious rites performed by the Pandits of Kashmir are said to be according to Charanaia Kathka School. The Sutras of Laguksha follow this school and guide all the rites from birth to death. Moreover, certain aboriginal beliefs and practices like, Yaksha Puja, Daittya Puja etc., are also observed strictly. Census report of 1911 refers Kashmiri Pandits as Shakites or Tantrikas and later Western scholars have also referred to a host of Tantarik practices being followed by them. Tantara is said to be a later religious development. Prominence is given to the female energy of the deity, his active nature being personified in the person of his Sakti. Tantaras are generally devoted to one of the manifold forms of Devi, the Sakti of Shiva, "Devi, as the Sakti of Shiva, is the especial energy concerned with sexual intercourse and magical powers''. The Tantaric worship of Kashmiris seems to have been more influenced by the Vamachar than by the Dakshanachar (a more decent form). Speaking satirically about the performance of the Brahmanas, Kshemendara writes, "Being addicted to Vamachar, bent upon taking wine; having set at naught the piety of his clan, with a plate of fish meat in his hand; he comes reading for scriptures".
However, the Tantaric practices in Kashmir, in spite of being Vamachari, did not degenerate to such a low level as they did elsewhere in India. Dayanand Saraswati, speaking on Garwal Tantaras, writes that incest even with mothers, daughters, sisters and low-born maids of outcastes was practised. Worship of gods was done in a perfectly nude state. Madhya (liquor), Meena (fish), Mans (flesh), Mudra (naked worshipping) and Maithuna (sexual intercourse) were considered as the best means of salvation.
4 Social Organisation
Socially Kashmiri Pandits are divided into 199 exagamous sections (gotras). The founders of these gotras are said to be some Rishis or an inspired saint. The social prestige of a group used to be determined by the spiritual superiority of the founder of the group (i.e., gotra). But in reality the social position is determined by the occupation followed by a certain family. An occupation promising better material prospects, leaving aside certain 'dagi' occupations to which an unreasonable hatred has been developed through generations, command more social respect and prestige. A fast reformation is taking place in the Pandit outlook of occupations. Government Service, till recently, was considered to be the best of all. But with the rapid growth of industries and private sector, and also the indirect restrictions imposed on Government Service for Pandits, they are increasingly flocking towards private sector. Moreover, the private sector employment promises better avenues of promotion and reward of the talent. Various Government enactments and labour laws have made these private sector jobs more secure than even the Government jobs. Trade and commerce are also now preferred to the Government jobs and age-old apathy is giving way to more and more enthusiasm to enter those fields. Development of tourism and allied industries has brought this welcome change in their age-old rusted thinking. However, old habits died hard and it will take another one or two generations to emancipate them fully from the old prejudices and complexes.
4.1 Gotras
Brahmanas all over India considered themselves superior to all other castes and creeds. They prided on their divine origin. It is said that once a Brahmana was performing a sacrifice, there came forth from it the Seven Rishis - Bhrign, Angiras, Marichi, Atri, Paulaha, Pulastya and Vasistha. The Brahmanical sects were likewise supposed to derive their origin from seven Rishis, though not exactly the seven just named of whom the fifth, Paulaha, brought forth demons (Raksasas), and the sixth, Pulastya, devils (Pisachas), while the seventh Vasistha, died and appeared again as a descendant of Marichi. Then, as Bhrign and Angiras, owning to their mythical character, could not properly be represented as founders of families, their place is taken in the Brahmanical theory by other three ancestors, Bhrign being superseded by Jamadagni, and the Angiras by Gautaina and Bhardvaja. In the Satpatha Brahmana, accordingly the seven Rhisis enumerated as ancestors are Gautama, Bhardvaja, Visvamitra, Jamadagni, Vasistha, Kashyapa and Atri. To these traditions add an eighth, Agastya, and thus the Brahmanical clans (Gotras) are in reality traced to eight ancestors. These rank as Gotrakarins - the founders of numerous Brahmanical families, and their descendants are the various gotras.
4.2 Number of Gotras
There has been a considerable difference of opinion regarding the exact number of gotras at a given time. Mahabharata restricts their number to four only. But Bodhyana raises the number to eight. He, at the same time, describes their number in crores with forty-nine Pravaras. He recognises the descendants of Visvamitra, Jamadagni, Bhardvaja, Gautama, Atri, Vasistha, Kashyapa, and Agastya as the real gotras. A pravara contains three or five most ancient (Mantardrashta) rishis like eight gotra founders. Modern scholars are also not having any unanimity of views regarding the number of gotras. Mr. Rao holds that the original eight families of Gotrakarins were supplemented by ten more and that the latter consisted of Brahmanas who had for a time followed the vocations of Kshatriyas and had become Brahmins again, regarding themselves as descended either from Bhrign or from Angiras. Mr. Venkatarama states the number of Rhisis as seven. Four of them are human beings. But eighteen groups arose out of these four ...Ten out of eighteen families were of the Ksatriya origin. Bhrgu took into his fold four Ksatriyas who were also makers of hymns. "Kashmiri Brahmins are said to have originaly belonged to only six gotras, viz., Dattatreya, Bhardwaja, Paledeva, Mudgalya and Dhaumyayana. By intermarriage with other Brahmins the number of gotras multiplied to 199." Census Report of 1911 states the number of gotras of Kashmiri Pandits to be 133 and describes them the direct descendant of Kashyapa Rishi. There is a note in the margin saying that the original gotras did not exceed six and the remaining 127 gotras came into existence due to intermixture with other Brahmans. Mr. Ganjoo does not agree with the remarks of Census report of 1911. He states, "this is a very sweeping remark which is not corroborated by any historical fact. Each and every Kashmiri Brahman traces his descent from a particular Rishi or inspired saint whose name they bear as their own Gotra. Kashyapa was one of the Rishis who made the valley habitable and Kashmiri Brahmans do not believe to have descended from him."
5 Rishi
It would not be out of place to have a brief introduction with the real character of some of the Gotrakarin Rishis and the role they played in the social life of yore. The origin of the term 'Rishi' is not certain. Some derive it from the term Ras, 'Yell', while others consider it to have originated from a word meaning 'flow'. In Sanskrit literature, the term is applied to a Sage, Patriarch, Cellestial Poet, Wizard and Mage, and in general a rishi was an elder possessed of extraordinary power and wisdom.
Puranas describe him as a lover of solitude living in a forest or a mountain either alone or with a small group consisting of his family and disciples. His home was known as an 'Ahrama'.
5.1 Kinds
Several kinds of rishis are distinguished, such as Prajapati, Saptrishi, Siddamanu, Natha, Pitri, and so on. These designations are sometimes used inter- changeably, and a Maharishi, may be a Prajapati or Saptrishi or a Brahma Rishi. Our study being limited to Brahmans, a brief introduction of Brahmarishi may be given.
5.2 Brahmarishi
The Brahma created sages, also called the Divja-Rishis, (twice born Sages). They are the reputed founders of the Brahman gotras. Brahmarishis figure prominently in the community system of brahmin families. There is a great deal of inconsistency about them. They are variously and confusingly listed in Brahmanas, Epics and Puranas, but seven or eight traditional Brahmarishis are generally named from among the following: Agastya (non-Aryan in name and appearance): Angiras (either Persian or Dravidian); Attri (tribal priest of out c:aste races); Bhardvaja: Bhirgu (founder of Bhargavas); Jamadagni: Kanva, Kashyapa (non-Aryan progenitor of pre-Aryan tribes): Vasistha; Marichi, Pulastya; Pulaha; Kratu; Gautama.
5.3 Character
Many rishis are born in extra-ordinary circumstances. In origin the rishis came from diverse stock. Some were Brahmans; many were of pre-Aryan, native origin. A few rishis used their power for good, and their presence removed diseases or drought. But as rule they were a thoroughly irascible lot and unrelenting in their vengeance. The rishis' wrath is a favourite theme in Sanskrit literature.
5.4 Bhardvaja
A Rishi to whom many Vedic hymns are attributed. He was the son of Brahaspati and father of Drona, the preceptor of the Pandavas. The Taittiriya Brahmana says that "he lived through three lives" (Probably meaning a life of great length), and that he became immortal and ascended to the heavenly world, to union with the Sun". In the Mahabharata he is represented as living at Hardwar; in the Ramayana he received Rama and Sita in his hermitage at Prayaga, which was then and afterwards much celebrated. According to some of the Puranas and the Hari-vansa, he became by gift or adoption the son of King Bharata, and an absurd story is told about his birth to account for his name: His mother, the wife of Utathya, was pregnant by her husband and by Brihaspati. Dirgha-tamas, the son of her husband, kicked his half brother out of the womb before his time, when Brihaspati said to his mother, 'Bhara-dwa-Jam' 'cherish this child of two fathers'.
5.5 Mudgala
A Vedic Rishi from whom the Mudgalya Brahmans sprang. There were several other Brahmans named Mudgala. A Sage of this name is recorded in the Mahabharata to have "lived a life of poverty, piety and self-restraint, offering hospitality to thousands of Brahmans, according to his humble means, with the grain which he gleaned like a pigeon, and which never under went diminution, or rather increased again, when it was required." The choleric sage Durvasa went to test the patience of Mudgala, and six times devoured all the food which his host possessed without ruffling his temper. Durvasa in his admiration declared that Mudgala would go bodily to heaven, and the messenger of the gods arrived with his heavenly car. The sage, before accepting the invitation, desired to be informed of the joys and ills of heaven. After hearing a full explanation, he found that the enjoyments of heaven must come to a close, so he declared that he "had no desire for heaven, and would seek only that eternal abode where there is no sorrow, nor distress, nor change." He dismissed the messenger of the gods, and began to practise ascetic virtues, becoming indifferent to praise and blame, regarding clod, gold, stones, and gold as alike. Pure knowledge led to fixed contemplation; and that again imparted strength and complete comprehension, whereby he obtained supreme eternal perfection in the nature of quietude (Nirvana.)
5.6 Dattatriya
He is a trinity in unity of Brahma, Visnu and Siva, representing the principles of creation, sustenance, and dissolution of the Universe. He is a son of Atri and Ansuya. He had three sons, Soma, Datta and Durvasas, to whom also a portion of the divine essence was transmitted. He was the patron of Kartavirya, and gave him a thousand arms.
Pandit Dinanath Madan has published a fanciful story about the origin of Dattatriya in Bahari Kashmir. Its Urdu version has been included by Mr. Fauq in his 'Twarikhi Akwami Kashmir' as follows:
"Varsha Attri was a famous Sanskrit scholar living in a village of Baramullah, much before the war of Mahabharata. His famous book 'Attri Dharma Sastra' is still available in the country. He had three sons, Dattatriya, Durvasa and Soma. Dattatriya is a combination of two words, Datt plus Attriya. Attri along with his wife, once went on a pilgrimage to the Central India, and reached to a place known as Chitrakot. Those were the days of Lord Rama's exile. It is at this place that he had the privilege of being Sri Rama's guest.
Dattatriya received his initial education in Kashmir, but with the coming of youth, he like his father left his home touring and travelling Northern India. There are a number of places in Central and Western India where he is supposed to have stayed for sometime. He met Parasar Rishi and Vamadeva at Badrak Ashram in the Himalayas. Maharaja Prahlad and Yadvan had the privilege of receiving his Upadesha.
Dattatriya had a huge and powerful body and lived for a long time. He had many sons. His descendants are Kouls of Kashmir settled in and outside the valley Dattatriya Brahmans are found in Maharashtra and Deccan also. They are also his descendants. They are generally called Marhatta Brahmins but the word Dattatriya is written as a prefix to their names."
6 Gotras in Vedas
Reference to the word Gotra in the Vedic literature is very infrequent. Rigveda refers to it only at a few places and among them it has been referred to as a mountain and a cloud, at four places. Gotra has mostly heen used in prayers to Indra. There is a considerable difference of opinion among scholars regarding the real connotation of the word 'gotra' as used in the Vedas. Some consider it as a 'cowshed' while others connect it with a group. "The use of word Gotra in the Vedas has not been made in its current connotation. It often stood for a cowshed or group". The earliest reference to its usage in the modern sense is found in Chhandogyaupanisada, where an Acharya (teacher) asks the name of gotra of Safyakama". Institution of gotras had been fully established by the time of Buddha, because Buddhist and Jaina literature makes frequent references to it.
6.1 Sociological Meaning
Ancient battles were not fought to establish a power balance between different nations, but were on the other hand fought for seizure of good pastures and grazing grounds. Lifting away of cattle was also a common phenomenon. Naturally the 'cowsheds' were guarded with great care and these 'cowsheds' took the form of forts. Inmates of a certain cowshed were later on called the members of that particular 'gotra' (cowshed). One who possessed more number of cattles assumed the leadership of the gotra. Visvamitra, Vasistha etc., were in fact the big cowherds, who later on became the founders of different gotras. Some outsiders were also allowed to graze their cattle in these pastures and with the passing of time they were also known by the name of the gotra under which they had taken shelter. This did not mean that they were one of the descendants of Yisvamitra or Vasistha, but having lived very close to them they developed a sense of kinship towards that gotra.
"In ancient times Indian family, even when - in consequence of its numerical increase - its property had been greatly subdivided, would still continue to use and occupy jointly the land reserved for grazing cattle, and we may, therefore, conclude it is said, that the Brahmanical Gotra was in its origin - simply a community of this kind i.e. a family whose members enjoyed joint rights in a particular pasturage". Ganjoo disagreelng with this hypothesis says that it does not account for most characteristic features of the gotra, which in fact, can be explained only by comparison with the Gots of the aboriginal tribes in India.
7 Intermarriages
Marriage between the members of same gotra has been disallowed by most of the Hindu Law-givers. Aryans made it obligatory to marry within one's own caste but not the gotra. Marriages within the same gotra were not prohibited in India alone but were looked down upon in other parts of the world too. Wherever the gotra system was not in vogue, the tottem of the tribe was brought into use to separate one group from the other. Origin of this practice of prohibiting marriage within the same gotra is shrouded in mystery. Diverse views have been forwarded by many scholars as the probable reasons. Some scholars believe that the number of girls was less than the number of boys in ancient times. This led to forbidding of intermarriage within same gotra. Others hold that this practice came into vogue to stop the free sex within a tribe, but many believe the absence of mutual sexual attraction among the members of the same clan to be a probable reason. Etkinson believes that the chief of a tribe in ancient world, used to reserve every young girl of the tribe for his own use, compelling, thus, the young men of the tribe to find their brides outside the tribe. This became a practice in the long run. The more palusible reasons have been forwarded by Dr. Pande who says that the youngmen of a tribe would go to distant lands in search of pastures and other means of livelihood, which brought them into direct contact with girls of other tribes. Thus giving birth to a system of inter-gotra marriage, which won the public approval in the long run." Manu recommends to a twice-born boy only such a girl who is not related by blood on her mother's side, and does not belong to the same gotra on his father's. Apastamba forbades a father to give his daughter to a man of the same gotra as himself, while Gautama and Vasistha permit marriage only between those who have not the same Pravara. The principle of 'same gotra' is very seldom observed in the marriages of Kashmiri Pandits nowadays. However, the principle of Sapindi is still respected by all. Practically the prohibition of marriage between the members of same gotra is an anachronism. Numerically the Pandit community being very small, the forbiding of 'Sagotra' marriages will create many social problems than solve any of them.
8 Brahmanism in Ancient Kashmir
Pandits of Kashmir, popularly known as 'Bhatta' all belong to Brahrmana 'Varana'. Bhatta is the Prakrit form of the Sanskrit Bhariri which means 'scholar', 'doctor' or the same as Pandit. Caste system of ancient Kashmir included in itself besides four Varnas many castes and sects such as Chandala, Bomba, Damara, Nishada, Kirata, Kayastha and Tantrin, etc. That the casteism in Kashmir was much more flexible than in other parts of India is proved beyond doubt by Kalhana's Raj Tarangini. Brahmans were the uppermost caste of the valley. The origin of Brahmanism in Kashmir is not very clear, but there is ample evidence to show that a large majority of them consisted of the immigrants from the plains of India. "Abhinavagupta and Bilhana's ancestors were Madhyadesi Brahmanas whereas the ancestors of Abhinanda . . . hailed from Gawda... The earliest inscriptional reference of the Brahmanas occur in the edict of Asoka, where they have been mentioned as one of the most important classes among the population of the Maurya empire. Since the valley of Kashrnir was included within Ashokas empire, it is not quite unlikely that the Brahmana's from other parts of India had come to live in Kashmir by the time of Ashoka The Raj Tarangini refers to Brahmanas who had come to Kashmir from Aryadesa. The descendants of these immigrants seem to have composed the bulk of Brahmana population of Kashmi.
8.1 Buhur
Present Hindu population of Kashmir camprises of, besides Pandits, one or two minority groups viz., Buhur and Purbi. The origin of Buhrs and Purbis is not certain. Many contradictory theories have been advanced. Lavrence describes Buhrs to be of Khatri origin, while many Pandits maintain that they are the descendants of those Pandits who lost their caste during the Muslim rule. Many others believe them to be the traders of Punjab who came to settle down in Kashmir along with other Kashmiris during the benevolent rule of Zainulabdin. Census report of 1891 states that their customs and habits prove them the sons of soil of Kashmir. Buhr's consider themselves to be the true specimen of Kashmiri Pandits belonging to Malmasi division. They declare their gotras as following: Bharadwaj, Vasistha, Kapil, Shandli etc. Mr. Fauq while quoting Alberoni and Secretary Buhra Sudhar Sabha, says that a group of Kashmiri Pandits, used to go to the plains of India for trade, during the Hindu rule. Naturally they would interdine with the non-Kashmiri Hindus. This religious unorthodoxy was resented to by the Pandits and a complaint was lodged with the King. The King is said to have declared these traders a separate community by the name of 'Bakshar', which in the long-run took the form of Buhur. Mr. T. N. Madan holds the view that their "Khatri origin is more probable as the Bohra are found only in Urban areas and their traditional occupation is trade and shopkeeping. In fact the word Buhur is often used in Kashmir in the sense of a grocer". Pandit Anand Koul calls them by the name of Lejbhetta. He says, "during the Mohammadan rule some Brahmins were given option to either submit to the sword or take food prepared by a Musalman. They naturally quivered at the prospect of death and unwillingly accepted the later alternative, but in their anguish to reduce the pollution to its minimum, made the Musalman cook boil rice in a new lej or earthen pot and when ready they took the lej with their own hands and reluctantly ate it. They afterwards expaciated for the forcible pollution by performing Prayaschitta but still the Biradari, who were punctilious as ever, ostracised them". Their descendants are called Lej Bhettas because their ancestors having taken food cooked by a Mohammadan in a lej. Bohars on the other hand claim that their parents had to feign themselves as Muslims under compelling circumstances and these fake Muslims gave refuge to the traditional eleven families of Pandits, who later on belonged to Malmasi division. These fake Muslims came back to their original religion as soon as congenial political atmosphere was restored, but look at the irony of the fate, the saviours of a community were declared outcastes by the short-seighted and fanatic members of the same community.
However, the Buhurs are being gradually assimilated into Pandit culture. Inter-dining has become a common feature but the inter-marriages are still an exception rather than the rule.
8.2 Purbi
Another minority group among Hindus of Kashmir is known as Purbi. They have been described as a Sambo Caste, having come into existence either by Anuloma or Pratiloma form of marriage. Pandit Anand Koul calls them an illegitimate offspring of a Brahmana and a Khatri couple. It is too harsh to call them illegitimate. The Pratiloma and Anuloma form of marriages are well recognised by ancient law-givers. Their offspring can by no means be illegitimate. Prof. Madan, however is of the view, which seems to be more correct, that they are descendants of those immigrant Brahmanas who came to Kashmir from Chamba valley in the East Punjab several hundred years ago. They used to prefix the word 'Pandit' to their names, as would be done by Bhattas themselves.
8.3 Gor and Kar Kun
With the ascendance of Zain-UI-ab-din to the throne of Kashmir, the tide of communalism and fanaticism subsided, opening a new era of peace and progress. Hindus were freed from the shackles of Jazia and other disabilities were removed. Pandits, thus, started to reorganise and rehabilitate themselves. "By now the Persian had become the official language. The desire to share office with others could not be fulfilled without a study of Persian. The Brahmans took to the study of Persian and in a brief span of a few years they acquired a mastery over this language. But the Sanskrit learning and their religious ceremonies were not forgotten because this was the only distinctive feature to keep them alive as a separate group...The caste was divided further into two sub-castes, the Karkuns and the Basha Bhattas (Gor), the former included amongst its fold those who studied Persian and entered Government service and the latter those who studied Basha i.e., Sanskrit and took charge of the religious affairs of the community. But how was the division of labour to be made? It was decided that a daughter's son of a person should be made a Basha Bhatta to administer to the religious needs of his maternal grandfather's family. The arrangement was simple enough as it began involving no loss of status to the Basha Bhatta, but in course of time this arrangement became responsible for the creation of two distinct classes with a distinctive culture and mode of life and habits with the result though there is no legal or religious bar, yet the two classes seldom inter-marry these days . . .The rise and fall of the Karkun made a corresponding increase or decrease in Basha Bhatta's economic position.." Socially, because of their economic dependence upon them (Karkuns), they (Gor) in course of time came to be looked down upon by the Karkuns."
Karkun Pandits being economically well off have become arrogant and status conscious. Though outward reverence is shown to a Gor, yet he is considered inauspicious and greedy. After Independence, an increasing number of Gors have been opting for Government and other secular jobs. English education instead of Sanskrit education has caught their fancy. This has decreased the number of professional Gors alarmingly. That time may not be far away when a Karkun Pandit will have either to learn the religious scriptures himself, or will have to fare goodbye to all the Karma Kanda for ever.
8.4 Pandits
Some Karkuns, during Sikh rule, are said to have rededicated themselves to the study of Sanskrit and religion, without taking up the priestly duties. They were called Pandits. Those who were well-versed in astrology and drew up calendars and almanacs were known as Jyotshi. Presiding priest of Shiva Worship were called Gurrins and receivers of alms and offerings at the funeral of a Karkun were called as Panyechh. They were untouchables both for a Karkun and a Gor and were found to be in the city of Srinagar alone.
8.5 Banamasi and Malamasi
The oppressive Muslim rule failed to teach any worthwhile lesson to Kashmiri Pandits. As soon as the normalcy was restored and the self-exiled Pandits began to re-habilitate themselves in the valley they (Pandits) divided themselves again into two groups viz., Malamasi and Banamasi. Socially this division uas inconsequential, still it was adopted to indicate the immigrants and those who did not leave the valley. The Malamasi Pandits follow the lunar calendar and the Banamasis observe the solar months. This has given birth to the absurd practice of observing two Shiv Ratris, two Janmashtamis etc., a phenomenon unknown to rest of India.
8.6 Surnames
The use of surnames in ancient Kashmir is negligible, Present Kashmiri surnames have more or less evolved during the Muslim and Sikh rule. It is stated that almost all the Kashmiri Pandits were Koul's and they were later on subdivided according to different nicknames and with the passage of time, these nicknames became permanent surnames. There seems to be some truth in this statement primarily because all the Kashmiri Pandits are Shaivites and Mahakoul is one of the names of Lord Shiva, and secondly because the number of nicknames even now attached with the surname Koul is largest of all. Moreover, in recent years the use of nicknames is being progressively discarded and the surname Koul is being adopted more than any ther surname by almost all such people.
 

Excerpts from:
Sociology of Names and Nicknames of
India with special reference to Kashmir
by Ram Krishen Kaul
Utpal Publications
Motiyar, Rainawari, Srinagar-3, Kashmir

Kashmiri Overseas Associati on

Kashmiri Names             POSTED BY ; VIPUL KOUL  EDITED BY.....................ASHOK KOUL

Sheikh Abdullah

Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah (5 December 1905 – 8 September 1982) was an Indian statesman who played a central role in the politics of Jammu and Kashmir, the northernmost Indian state. The self-styled "Sher-e-Kashmir" (Lion of Kashmir), Abdullah was the founding leader of the National Conference and thrice served as the head of government in Kashmir. He agitated against the rule of the Maharaja Hari Singh and urged self-rule for Kashmir.
He was the Prime Minister of the state of Jammu and Kashmir after its accession to India in 1947^[3] and was later jailed and exiled. He was dismissed from the position of Prime Ministership on 8 August 1953 and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was appointed as the new Prime Minister. The expressions ‘Sadar-i-Riyasat’ and ‘Prime Minister’ were replaced with the terms ‘Governor’ and ‘Chief Minister’ in 1965.^[4] Sheikh Abdullah again became the Chief Minister of the state following the 1974 Indira-Sheikh accord and remained in the top slot till his death on 8 September 1982.
The most important source of Sheikh Abdullah's early life is his official biography Atish e Chinar by his son.^{[citation needed]} He was born in Soura, a village on the outskirts of Srinagar, eleven days after the death of his father Sheikh Mohammed Ibrahim. his father was a middle class manufacturer and trader of Kashmiri shawls. He was the descendent of a Kashmiri pandit named Ragho Ram Kaul who converted to Islam in 1722 A.D. as per "Atish e Chinar".^[5]
According to Sheikh Abdullah, his step brother mistreated his mother and his early childhood was marked by utter poverty. His mother was keen that her children should receive proper education and so as a child he was first admitted to a traditional school or Maktab where he learnt the recitation of the Koran and some basic Persian texts like Gulistan of Sa'di, Bostan, Padshanama, etc. Then in 1911 he was admitted to a primary school where he studied for about two years.
However, their family barber Mohammed Ramzan prevailed upon his uncle to send him back to school. He had to walk the distance of ten miles to school and back on foot but in his own words the joy of being allowed to obtain a school education made it seem a light work. He passed his Matriculation examination from Punjab University in 1922.^[6]

Higher studies

After matriculation he obtained admission in Shri Partap College, the leading college of Kashmir. He also went to the Prince of Wales College in Jammu.^[1] Then he took admission in Islamia College, Lahore and graduated from there. In 1930, he obtained an M.Sc. in Chemistry from Aligarh Muslim University.^[1] During his college days he was an eye witness of the protests of the workers of the Government Silk Factory during the Silk Factory Workers Agitation and the sight of workers agitating for their rights made a deep impression on him and was an important factor in motivating him to struggle for the rights of the people of the Jammu and Kashmir State.^[7]

Political career

Kashmiri polymath and lawyer Molvi Abdullah. His lectures motivated Sheikh Abdullah and other educated Muslim youth to struggle for justice and fundamental rights

As a student at Aligarh Muslim University,^[2] he came in contact with and was influenced by persons with liberal and progressive ideas. He became convinced that the feudal system was responsible for the miseries of the Kashmiris and like all progressive nations of the world Kashmir too should have a democratically elected government.

Muslim Conference formed

Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues were greatly influenced by the lectures of a Kashmiri polymath and lawyer Molvi Abdullah.^[8]
Molvi Abdullah's son Molvi Abdul Rahim, Sheikh Abdullah and Ghulam Nabi Gilkar were the first three educated Kashmiri youth to be arrested during the public agitation of 1931.^[9]

Sheikh Abdullah with other leaders of 1931 agitation. Sitting R to L: Sardar Gohar Rehman, Mistri Yaqoob Ali, Sheikh Abdullah, Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas. Standing R: Molvi Abdul Rahim, L:Ghulam Nabi Gilkar

Kashmir's first political party the Kashmir Muslim Conference with Sheikh Abdullah as President, Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas as general secretary, and Molvi Abdul Rahim as Secretary was formed on 16 October 1932. In his presidential address Sheikh Abdullah categorically stated that the Muslim Conference had come into existence to struggle for the rights of all oppressed sections of the society and not Muslims alone. It was not a communal party and would struggle for the rights of the oppressed, whether Hindu, Muslim or Sikh, with the same fervor. He reasserted that the struggle of Kashmiris was not a communal struggle.^[10]
In March 1933 the Muslim Conference constituted a committee which included Molvi Abdullah and nine other members for the purpose of establishing contacts with non-Muslim parties and exploring the possibility of forming a joint organisation. Those nine members were Khwaja Saad-ud-din Shawl, Khwaja Hassan Shah Naqshbandi, Mirwaiz Kashmir, Molvi Ahmad-Ullah, Mirwaiz Hamadani, Agha Syed Hussain Shah Jalali, Mufti Sharif-ud-din, Molvi Atiq-Ullah and Haji Jafar Khan. According to Sheikh Abdullah this effort was not successful because of the unfavourable reception of the idea by the non-Muslim parties.^[11] Sheikh Abdullah campaigned to change the name of the Muslim Conference to National Conference, under the influence of among others Jawaharlal Nehru. After a prolonged and vigorous campaign a special session of the Muslim Conference held in June 1939 voted to change the name of the party to National Conference. Of the 176 members attending the session, 172 members voted in favour of the resolution.^[12] According to Sheikh Abdullah the support of Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas of Jammu was very important in motivating the members to vote for this change.^[13]

Formation of Praja Sabha (Legislative Assembly)

As a result of the 1931 agitation the Maharajah appointed a Grievances Commission with an Englishman B.J. Glancy as President which submitted its report in March 1932.^[14] Subsequently a Constitutional Reforms Conference also presided over by B.J. Glancy recommended the setting up of an elected Legislative Assembly (Praja Sabha). Consequently a Praja Sabha with 33 elected and 42 nominated members elected on the basis of separate electorates for Hindus and Muslims was established in 1934.^[15] Women and illiterate men without sufficient property, or title, or annual income of less than Rupees four hundred did not have the right to vote. Roughly less than 10% (according to Justice Anand only 3%) of the population were enfranchised.^[16]
Even after the formation of Praja Sabha in 1934 as recommended by the Commission real power continued to remain in the hands of the Maharajah.^[17]
Seventeen years later in 1951, the government of Kashmir with Sheikh Abdullah as Prime Minister held elections to a Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal adult suffrage. Sheikh Abdullah's Government had been accused of rigging in these elections to the Constituent Assembly.^[18] Nonetheless, due consideration should be given to the quantum leap in moving from elections with 10% of enfranchised population to universal adult suffrage and that too just after a ceasefire from an active war.

Meeting with Nehru

Sheikh Abdullah with Nehru and Badshah Khan (centre) at Nishat Garden in 1945

Sheikh Abdullah was introduced to Jawaharlal Nehru in 1937 and as he too was a leader of the Indian National Congress was demanding similar rights for people of British India^[19] and had formed The All India States Peoples Conference^[20] for supporting the people of Princely States in their struggle for a representative government the two became friends and political allies.

Muslim Conference renamed as National Conference

He introduced a resolution in the working committee of the Muslim Conference for changing its name to National Conference on 24 June 1938 to allow people from all communities to join the struggle against the autocratic rule of the Maharaja.^[21] Meanwhile he along with his liberal progressive friends, many of whom were not Muslim like Kashyap Bandhu, Jia Lal Kilam, Pandit Sudama Sidha, Prem Nath Bazaz and Sardar Budh Singh drafted the National Demands^[22] the forerunner of the famous Naya Kashmir (New Kashmir) Manifesto (which was a charter of demands for granting a democratic constitution committed to the welfare of the common people of Kashmir)^[23]
He presented these demands to the Maharajah in a speech on 28 August 1938.^[24] The Maharajah was not willing to accept these demands and so he along with many of his companions was arrested for defying prohibitory orders and sentenced to six months imprisonment and a fine. His arrest provoked a public agitation in which volunteers called Dictators (so called because they had the authority to defy laws that was forbidden for normal law abiding party members) courted arrest. This agitation was called off on the appeal of Mohandas K. Gandhi. He was released after serving his sentence on 24 February 1939 and accorded a grand reception by the people of Srinagar on his return. Speeches were made at the reception stressing the importance of unity among Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs.^[25] Subsequently the resolution for changing the name of Muslim Conference to National Conference was ratified with an overwhelming majority by the General Council of the Muslim Conference on 11 June 1939 and from that date Muslim Conference became National Conference.^[26]

Quit Kashmir agitation

In May 1946 Sheikh Abdullah launched the Quit Kashmir agitation against the Maharajah Hari Singh and was arrested and sentenced to three years imprisonment but was released only sixteen months later on 29 September 1947^[27] According to prominent columnist and writer A.G.noorani quit kashmir was illtimed and illogic (See Tehreek e Hurriyat e Kashmir By Rashid Taseer (Urdu) volume 2-page 29 for "National Demands" discussion and see Chapter 12-page 310-313 regarding presentation of "Naya Kashmir" Manifesto to Maharaja Hari Singh. Full text of "Naya Kashmir" manifesto is given from page 314 to 383. English translation of this text is available at Wikisource. Also see relevant chapters from Atish e Chinar regarding 1931 agitation (Chapters 9, 10 and 11) Glancy Commission (Chapter 15) formation of Muslim Conference (Chapter 18) meeting with Nehru (Chapter 23), reasons for change in name of Muslim Conference to National Conference (Chapter 24) and becoming president of All India States Peoples Conference (Chapter 31). His arrest and subsequent release following the Quit Kashmir agitation is discussed in Chapter 34-page 372-389.) ^[28]

Head of emergency administration

Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah (right), chosen to head interim government in Kashmir, confers with Sardar Patel, deputy premier of India

Maharaja Hari Singh appealed to Lord Mountbatten of Burma the Governor-General of India for Indian military aid. In his Accession Offer dated 26 October 1947 which accompanied The Instrument of Accession duly signed by him on 26 October 1947, Maharaja Hari Singh wrote "I may also inform your Excellency's Government that it is my intention at once to set up an interim Government and ask Shaikh Abdullah to carry the responsibilities in this emergency with my Prime Minister."
Lord Mountbatten accepted the accession after a meeting of the Defence Committee on 26 October 1947. In accepting the accession unconditionally he wrote, "I do hereby accept this Instrument of Accession. Dated this twenty seventh day of October, nineteen hundred and forty seven".^[29] In the covering letter to Hari Singh. he wrote "In consistence with their policy that in the case of any State where the issue of accession has been the subject of dispute, the question of accession should be decided in accordance with the wishes of the people of the State, it is my Government's wish that, as soon as law and order have been restored in Kashmir and its soil cleared of the invader, the question of the State's accession should be settled by a reference to the people".^[30] Also in his letter to the Maharaja Lord Mountbatten wrote "My Government and I note with satisfaction that your Highness has decided to invite Sheikh Abdullah to form an Interim Government to work with your Prime Minister." The support of Mahatma Gandhi and Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, was a key factor in getting Sheikh Abdullah appointed as Head of the emergency administration by the Maharaja.^[31]
As a consequence, Sheikh Abdullah was appointed head of an emergency administration by an order issued by the Maharaja which was undated except for the mention October 1947 in place of the date. He took charge as Head of the Emergency Administration on 30 October 1947.^[32]
He raised a force of local Kashmiri volunteers to patrol Srinagar and take control of administration after the flight of the Maharaja along with his family and Prime Minister Meher Chand Mahajan to Jammu even before the Indian troops had landed. This group of volunteers would serve as the nucleus for the subsequent formation of Jammu and Kashmir Militia.^[33] This, Sheikh Abdullah hoped, would take over the defence of Kashmir after the Indian army was withdrawn. This was articulated in his letter to Sardar Patel dated 7 October 1948 in which he wrote, "With the taking over of the State forces by the Indian Government, it was agreed that steps would be taken to reorganise and rebuild our army so that when the present emergency is over and the Indian forces are withdrawn the State will be left with a proper organised army of its own to fall back upon."^[34] (Sheikh Abdullah has alleged that most of the Muslim soldiers of the Militia were either discharged or imprisoned before his arrest in 1953.^[35] The Militia (dubbed as Dagan Brigade) was converted from a State Militia to a regular unit of the Indian Army on 2 December 1972 and redesignated the Jammu and Kashmir Light Infantry)^[36]

Prime minister

Sheikh Abdullah took oath as Prime Minister of Kashmir on 17 March 1948.^[37]

Pakistani view

The government of Pakistan in 1947 viewed Abdullah and his party as agents of Nehru and did not recognise his leadership of Kashmir.^[38] He spoke against Pakistani government in united nations by comparing it with Hitler's rule,and he also endorsed Indian stand on Jammu and Kashmir. However there was a change in Pakistan's viewpoint with the passage of time. When he visited Pakistan in 1964 he was awarded a tumultuous welcome by the people of Pakistan. Among the persons who received him was Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas his once colleague and later bitter political enemy who earlier in his book Kashmakash had denounced Sheikh Abdullah as a turncoat and traitor. Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas embraced him and in his speech described him as one of the greatest leaders of the subcontinent and a great benefactor of the Muslims of the subcontinent.^[39][40] President Ayub Khan and his then Foreign minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto discussed the Kashmir problem with him. The government of Pakistan treated him as a state guest.^[41] Sheikh Abdullah had the rare distinction of having poems in his praise written by three major Pakistani Urdu poets namely Hafeez Jullundhri, Josh and Faiz Ahmed Faiz who admired his lifelong struggle against injustice and for democratic rights of the common man.^[42]

Arrest and release

On 8 August 1953 he was dismissed as Prime Minister by the then Sadr-i-Riyasat (Constitutional Head of State) Dr. Karan Singh, son of the erstwhile Maharajah Hari Singh, on the charge that he had lost the confidence of his cabinet (not the house)^[43] He was denied the opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the house.^[44] and his dissident cabinet minister Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed was appointed as Prime Minister.^[45] Sheikh Abdullah was immediately arrested and later jailed for eleven years, accused of conspiracy against the State in the infamous "Kashmir Conspiracy Case".^[46]
According to Sheikh Abdullah his dismissal and arrest were engineered by the central government headed by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.^[28] He has quoted B.N. Mullicks' statements in his book "My Years with Nehru"^[47] in support of his statement.^[28] A.G. Noorani writing in Frontline supports this view, as according to him Nehru himself ordered the arrest.^[48] On 8 April 1964 the State Government dropped all charges in the so-called "Kashmir Conspiracy Case".^[49] Sheikh Abdullah was released and returned to Srinagar where he was accorded an unprecedented welcome by the people of the valley".^[50]
After his release he was reconciled with Nehru. Nehru requested Sheikh Abdullah to act as a bridge between India and Pakistan and make President Ayub to agree to come to New Delhi for talks for a final solution of the Kashmir problem. President Ayub Khan also sent telegrams to Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah with the message that as Pakistan too was a party to the Kashmir dispute any resolution of the conflict without its participation would not be acceptable to Pakistan. This paved the way for Sheikh Abdullah's visit to Pakistan to help broker a solution to the Kashmir problem.^[51]
Sheikh Abdullah went to Pakistan in spring of 1964. President Ayub Khan of Pakistan held extensive talks with him to explore various avenues for solving the Kashmir problem and agreed to come to Delhi in mid June for talks with Nehru as suggested by him. Even the date of his proposed visit was fixed and communicated to New Delhi.^[52] On 27 May while he was en route to Muzaffarabad in Pakistani Administered Kashmir news came of the sudden death of Nehru and the Sheikh after addressing a public rally at Muzaffarabad returned to Delhi.^[53] On his suggestion President Ayub Khan sent a high level Pakistani delegation led by his Foreign Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto along with him to take part in the last rites of Jawaharlal Nehru.^[54]
After Nehru's death in 1964, he was interned from 1965 to 1968 and exiled from Kashmir in 1971 for 18 months. The Plebiscite Front was also banned. This was allegedly done to prevent him and the Plebiscite Front which was supported by him from taking part in elections in Kashmir.^[55]

After Indo-Pakistan war and creation of Bangladesh

Sheikh Abdullah addressing a mammoth gathering at Lal Chowk Srinagar in 1975

In 1971 an insurrection broke out in erstwhile East Pakistan, and subsequently war broke out between India and Pakistan which ended in the creation of Bangladesh. Sheikh Abdullah watching the alarming turn of events in the subcontinent realised that for the survival of this region there was an urgent need to stop pursuing confrontational politics and promoting solution of issues by a process of reconciliation and dialogue rather than confrontation.Critics of sheikh hold the view that he sold cherished goal of plebiscite for gaining chief ministers chair. He started talks with the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for normalising the situation in the region and came to an accord called 1974 Indira-Sheikh accord with Indira Gandhi, then India's Prime Minister, by giving up the demand for a plebiscite in lieu of the people being given the right to self-rule by a democratically elected Government (as envisaged under article 370 of the Constitution of India) rather than the puppet government which till then ruled the State.^[56]

Chief minister

Sheikh Abdullahs funeral procession was miles long and the largest in living memory. In this clip the President of India is offering his tribute

He assumed the position of Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. The Central Government and the ruling Congress Party withdrew its support so that the State Assembly had to be dissolved and mid term elections called.^[57]
The National Conference won an overwhelming majority in the subsequent elections and re-elected Sheikh Abdullah as Chief Minister.^[58] He remained as Chief Minister till his death in 1982.
Abdullah, described as a six feet four inches (1.93m)^[59][60][61] to six feet six inches (1.98m) tall man,^[62] was fluent in both Kashmiri and Urdu. His biography in Urdu entitled Atish-e-Chinar was written by the noted Kashmiri author M.Y. Taing and published after Sheikh Abdullah's death. It is often referred to as his autobiography as Taing claimed that he only acted as an amanuensis.^[63] It is based on extensive interviews that Taing had with Sheikh Abdullah and provides valuable information on Sheikh Abdullah's family background, early life, ringside glimpses of happenings in Kashmir at a crucial juncture in its history, and his viewpoint about the political events in Kashmir in which he himself played a central role.
After his death his eldest son Dr. Farooq Abdullah was elected as the Chief Minister of the State.

Personal life

In 1933 he married Akbar Jahan, the daughter of Michael Harry Nedou, the eldest son of the European proprietor of a chain of hotels in India including Nedous Hotel in Srinagar, and his Kashmiri wife Mirjan. Michael Harry Nedou was himself the proprietor of a hotel at the tourist resort of Gulmarg^[64] (The writer Tariq Ali claims that Akbar Jehan was previously married in 1928 to an Arab Karam Shah who disappeared after a Calcutta newspaper Liberty reported that he was actually T. E. Lawrence (Lawrence of Arabia)^[65] a British Intelligence officer. He claims that Akbar Jehan was divorced by her first husband in 1929.

A story of exile, a story of betrayal

The Hindu

PAINFUL PAST: “My story meanders through discourses, but betrayal exists as a continuum.” Picture shows a burntout Pandit house in Wandhama. File Photo: The Hindu Archives

TOPICS

India

Jammu and Kashmir

unrest, conflicts and war

conflict (general)

A first-hand account of how a family of Pandits left Kashmir and were unable to return home. January 19 marks the 25th anniversary of the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits from the Valley

You must tell your story ... You must write ....

For years I have been asked to pen “my story” of exodus and exile, of homelessness and refuge. I’ve been told to lay threadbare what happened all those years ago and how I feel about it all these years later.

My story is not the narration of how we left Kashmir; it is about being unable to return home. My story is not about death that stared us in our faces; it is about that one chance we got to live.

In my story, a gun-wielding monster was not at my doorstep; it was the fear of him appearing that scared me more. I did not watch my house burn; I saw what was left of it in the pages of a magazine. My story is not about the loss of material goods; it is about the pain of carrying memories.

It was in the evening of March 19, 1990 when an excruciating 12-hour journey ended and we set foot in Jammu. It was exactly two months to the day after the first batch of Kashmiri Pandits left the Valley. The drive from Srinagar to Jammu is dotted with hairpin curves that blurred all the pretty sights that nature has to offer. Exhausted by motion sickness, I was not happy to be greeted with a water balloon. We had arrived a day before Holi, unprepared for the festival of colours.

From a week to 25 years

We were three of us, my mother, my cousin and I, carrying two small suitcases and a warm blanket. We had left home in the early hours as soon as curfew had been relaxed. Before leaving, we assured our neighbours that we would return and, yes, the Army was not informed so there would be no crackdown. Being the only Hindu household in the area, we were perceived as some sort of an insurance against military action in the neighbourhood.

We were going to Jammu to comfort my sister; that message had been relayed to the area commander of the militant group active in our neighbourhood. Apparently he did not like people moving out without his permission.

My sister, then a student at Jammu Medical College, had been witnessing convoys of trucks and buses, crammed with families and their hurriedly packed luggage, arrive every day since January. Those arriving narrated stories of escaping death ... of a burning Kashmir ... of Pandits slaughtered and the Army taking over, as if it were war. She read about bullet-ridden bodies, of hate messages painted on walls, of bodies with eyes gouged out, and of women raped and butchered in the streets.

My sister was distressed. Assurances on the phone were not enough; she wanted to see us, alive. That is how the three of us landed in Jammu for what was supposed to be a weeklong stay, but which turned into 25 years in exile.

My grandparents joined us four months later, arriving in a black and yellow taxi with two suitcases and an olive green holdall.

We spent the next few years waiting for “normalcy”, for the convoys to return to the Valley and for us to be home.

We kept waiting and my ever-smiling grandfather began to lose hope; eventually he died of a broken heart.

“My story is not about the loss of material goods; it is about the pain of carrying memories”

He had worried every day about the house we left behind, and the home he built. He had worried about the gaps in its tin roof and about the weeds that would have destroyed his meticulously laid out garden. Most of all, he worried about us growing up, outside our home. But it was not the material loss that broke his heart.

A deep wound

On a sultry afternoon, sitting in the long, ventilated corridor of the Circuit House in Jammu, I overheard him tell a family friend that he felt “betrayed” by his childhood friends. That broke his heart. Where were they when his house — where they had gathered for years, sipping tea, discussing politics, worrying about the weather — was raided (we learnt the raiders even took away the stash of coal and sugar, stowed away for the harsh winter) and later burnt down?

Some letters and a few phone calls were exchanged; his friends shared their grief but the word “return” was carefully avoided.

Somewhere in his heart, my grandfather believed that the ordinary Kashmiri — the friend and neighbour — had the power to stop the armed militant who was from across the border. He read enough papers to know what was happening, yet, he chose to believe that his “friends” back home would guard what was his and be there for him when he returned.

He would recall how one of his friends had carried me on his shoulders to the bus stop because the road was flooded; how another had a treat for me each time we passed by his shop. It was not hatred, but pain that he carried in his heart.

Months before he died, my grandfather slipped a copy of his will in his journal, which I had insisted on taking with me to Delhi. “Immerse my ashes at Prang,” my grandfather, who did not believe in rituals, had written.

What I remembered of Prang was a river with gushing, icy water and round shiny rocks for a bed.

We could not go to Prang with his ashes. He was betrayed again.

My story of Kashmir is the story of his betrayal.

My story is not the endless argument about history, politics, economy and social subaltern narratives. We have trained guns on each other and drawn faultlines, we have added dimensions to suit our versions of the story.

We give our tuppence on Kashmir and Kashmiriyat; I refrain from commenting, I hide from venting. My story is not my version versus yours. It meanders through discourses, but betrayal exists as a continuum.

I find similarities with the stories of the homeless, from Afghanistan to Congo. I know the pain of the Myanmarese refugee who told me how his life fits into two boxes. I search their stories for signs of betrayal. I ask them how they deal with it, because my story of betrayal is a festering wound, and I don’t know how to make peace with it

POSTED BY .....VIPUL KOUL 

EDITED BY ....ASHOK KOUL

BY;..................Smriti Kak Ramachandran